Tracing the origins of inflection in creoles A quantitative analysis - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

Tracing the origins of inflection in creoles A quantitative analysis Olivier Bonami 1 Fabiola Henri 2 ıs 3 Ana R. Lu´ 1 U. Paris-Sorbonne & IUF & LLF olivier.bonami@paris-sorbonne.fr 2 U. Lille 3 & STL & LLF henrifabiola@gmail.com 3 Universidade de Coimbra & CELGA aluis@fl.uc.pt Ninth Creolistics Workshop, Aarhus, April 2012 Bonami, Henri & Lu´ ıs (Paris/Coimbra) Creolistics 9 1 / 29

Outline Introduction Comparing lexifier to creole Indo-Portuguese Mauritian Towards explaining the differences The origin of Mauritian verb forms Conclusions References Bonami, Henri & Lu´ ıs (Paris/Coimbra) Creolistics 9 2 / 29

Introduction Introduction ◮ Much previous work on morphology in creoles focuses on ◮ What morphology (if any) do creoles have ◮ Do creoles tend to have ‘less morphology’ than their lexifier, and if so, why ◮ Different question: given than some creoles have nontrivial inflectional morphology, why do they have the type of morphology they have? ◮ We compare the conjugation system of two Indo-Portuguese creoles (Daman and Korlai) with that of Mauritian. ◮ We argue that 1. Statistically prevalent features of the lexifier system shape the creole system 2. This is partly independent of the actual forms the creole inherits ◮ Heavy use of quantitative data on the lexifiers and, where available, on the creoles Bonami, Henri & Lu´ ıs (Paris/Coimbra) Creolistics 9 3 / 29

Introduction Sources ◮ Linguistic descriptions Daman & Korlai Clements (1996); Clements and Koontz-Garboden (2002) Mauritian Henri (2010) ◮ Lexica Mauritian Database of inflected verbs compiled on the basis of Carpooran (2009) French Lexique 3 (New et al., 2007): database of French inflected words with frequency data compiled from post-1950 novels + film subtitles ◮ Corpora Written EP CETEMP´ ublico (Santos and Rocha, 2001): tagged corpus of Portuguese (180M words), taken from issues of the newspaper ublico from 1991 to 1998. P´ Written French 2 years of the newspaper Le Monde (2003–2004; 38.5M words), tagged and lemmatized using MElt (Denis and Sagot, 2009) Spoken EP and French C-ORAL-ROM (Cresti et al., 2004), collection of balanced corpora of spoken French, Italian, Spanish and Portuguese ( ∼ 300000 words for each language), transcribed, tagged and lemmatized Bonami, Henri & Lu´ ıs (Paris/Coimbra) Creolistics 9 4 / 29

Comparing lexifier to creole Indo-Portuguese Outline Introduction Comparing lexifier to creole Indo-Portuguese Mauritian Towards explaining the differences The origin of Mauritian verb forms Conclusions References Bonami, Henri & Lu´ ıs (Paris/Coimbra) Creolistics 9 5 / 29

Comparing lexifier to creole Indo-Portuguese The Portuguese conjugation system ◮ Portuguese verbal paradigm: 66 cells ◮ 3 conjugation classes, each with its own perceptible theme vowel ◮ lavar ‘wash’ (class1) TAM 1SG 2SG 3SG 1PL 2PL 3PL lav- o lav a -s lav a lav a -mos lav a -is lav a -m IND.PRS lav a -va lav a -vas lav a -va lav ´ a -vamos lav a -veis lav a -vam IND.PST.IPFV lav- ei lav a -ste lav ou lav ´ a -mos lav a -stes lav a -ram IND.PST.PFV lav a -ra lav a -ras lav a -ra lav ´ a -ramos lav ´ a -reis lav a -ram IND.PST.PRF IND.FUT lav a -rei lav a -r´ as lav a -r´ a lav a -remos lav a -reis lav a -r˜ ao SBJV.PRS lav- e lav e -s lav e lav e -mos lav e -is lav e -m lav a -sse lav a -sses lav a -sse lav ´ a -ssemos lav a -sseis lav a -ssem SBJV.PST lav a -r lav a -res lav a -r lav a -rmos lav a -rdes lav a -rem SBJV.FUT lav a -ria lav a -rias lav a -ria lav a -r´ ıamos lav a -r´ ıeis lav a -riam COND --- lav a lav e lav e -mos lav a -i lav e -m IMP lava- r lav a -res lav a -r lav a -rmos lav a -rdes lav a -rem INF.PERS INF.IMPERS PTCP GER lav a -r lav a -do/a lav a -ndo Bonami, Henri & Lu´ ıs (Paris/Coimbra) Creolistics 9 6 / 29

Comparing lexifier to creole Indo-Portuguese The Portuguese conjugation system ◮ lavar ‘wash’ (class1) TAM 1SG 2SG 3SG 1PL 2PL 3PL lav- o lav a -s lav a lav a -mos lav a -is lav a -m IND.PRS IND.FUT lav a -r´ a lav a -r´ as lav a -r´ a lav a -remos lav a -reis lav a -r˜ ao ◮ beber ‘drink’ (class2) TAM 1SG 2SG 3SG 1PL 2PL 3PL beb- o beb e -s beb e beb e -mos beb e -is beb e -m IND.PRS beb e -r´ a beb e -r´ as beb e -r´ a beb e -remos beb e -reis beb e -r˜ ao IND.FUT ◮ subir ‘go up’ (class3) TAM 1SG 2SG 3SG 1PL 2PL 3PL sub- o sob e -s sob e sub i -mos sub i -s sob e -m IND.PRS sub i -r´ a sub i -r´ as sub i -r´ a sub i -remos sub i -reis sub i -r˜ ao IND.FUT Bonami, Henri & Lu´ ıs (Paris/Coimbra) Creolistics 9 7 / 29

Comparing lexifier to creole Indo-Portuguese The Daman / Korlai conjugation system ◮ Verbal paradigms in Daman & Korlai creoles: 4 cells ☞ Inflection classes marked by theme vowels ☞ Extension of a 4 th class for loans of substratic origin. kanta kume subi beblu ‘sing’ ‘eat’ ‘go up’ ‘mutter’ kant a kum e sub i bebl u BASE kant-o kum e -u sub i -u bebl u PAST kant a -n kum e -n sub i -n bebl u -n PROGRESSIVE kant a -d kum i -d sub i -d bebl u -d COMPLETIVE Daman Creole Portuguese (adapted from (Clements and Koontz-Garboden, 2002)) Bonami, Henri & Lu´ ıs (Paris/Coimbra) Creolistics 9 8 / 29

Comparing lexifier to creole Indo-Portuguese The origin of D/K paradigms ◮ Each paradigm cell has a clearly identifiable precedent in Portuguese, both in terms of form and in terms of function. Daman Portuguese Daman Portuguese BASE FORM INFINITIVE COMPLETIVE PST.PTCP lava lava -r lava-d lava-d o/a = = ⇐ ⇐ kume come -r kumi-d comi-d o/a subi subi -r subi-d subi-d o/a PAST FORM PST.PFV PROGRESSIVE GERUND lav-o lav-ou lava-n lava-n do = = ⇐ ⇐ kume-u come-u kume-n come-n do subi-u subi-u subi-n subi-n do Bonami, Henri & Lu´ ıs (Paris/Coimbra) Creolistics 9 9 / 29

Comparing lexifier to creole Mauritian Outline Introduction Comparing lexifier to creole Indo-Portuguese Mauritian Towards explaining the differences The origin of Mauritian verb forms Conclusions References Bonami, Henri & Lu´ ıs (Paris/Coimbra) Creolistics 9 10 / 29

Comparing lexifier to creole Mauritian The French conjugation system ◮ 51 cells ☞ laver ‘wash’: Finite forms TAM 1SG 2SG 3SG 1PL 2PL 3PL lav lav lav lav-˜ O lav-e lav PRS.IND lav-E lav-E lav-E lav-j-˜ O lav-j-e lav-E PST.IND.IPFV lavE lava lava lava-m lava-t lavE-K PST.PFV lav@- K -E lav@- K -a lav@- K -a lav@- K -˜ O lav@- K -e lav@- K -˜ O FUT.IND lav lav lav lav-j-˜ O lav-j-e lav PRS.SBJV lava- s lava- s lava lava- s -j-˜ O lava- s -j-e lava- s PST.SBJV lav@- K -E lav@- K -E lav@- K -E lav@- K -j-˜ O lav@- K -j-e lav@- K -E COND --- lav --- lav-˜ O lav-e --- IMP Nonfinite forms PST.PTCP INF PRS.PTCP M.SG F.SG M.PL F.PL lave lav-˜ A lave lave lave lave Bonami, Henri & Lu´ ıs (Paris/Coimbra) Creolistics 9 11 / 29

Comparing lexifier to creole Mauritian The French conjugation system ◮ One productive conjugation ( LAVER ) ◮ Stable but closed second conjugation ( FINIR ) ◮ 61 patterns with 1 to 50 verbs Conjugation 1 2 3a 3b 3c 3d 3e . . . LAVER FINIR RENDRE TENIR CUIRE PEINDRE METTRE . . . Types (Lexique) 5678 282 50 28 28 27 15 INF lave finiK K˜ AdK t@niK k4iK p˜ EdK mEtK PST.PTCP lave fini K˜ Ady t@ny k4i p˜ E mi PRS.1SG lav fini K˜ A tj˜ E k4i p˜ E me PRS.2SG lav fini K˜ A tj˜ E k4i p˜ E me lav fini K˜ A tj˜ E k4i p˜ E me PRS.3SG PRS.1PL lav˜ O finis˜ O K˜ Ad˜ O t@n˜ O k4iz˜ O peñ˜ O met˜ O PRS.2PL lave finise K˜ Ade t@ne k4ize peñe mete PRS.3PL lav finis K˜ Ad tj˜ En k4iz pEñ mEt Bonami, Henri & Lu´ ıs (Paris/Coimbra) Creolistics 9 12 / 29

Comparing lexifier to creole Mauritian The Mauritian conjugation system ◮ The Mauritian verbal paradigm : 2 cells ☞ It distinguishes morphologically between long and short forms (Veenstra, 2004; Henri, 2010) ☞ Morphological alternation, (contra Corne, 1982): the alternation is not phonologically predictable bKize bKije v˜ Ade am˜ Ade k˜ Osiste Keste fini vini LF bKiz bKije van am˜ Ad k˜ Osiste Kes fini vin SF TRANS. ‘break’ ‘mix’ ‘sell’ ‘amend’ ‘consist’ ‘stay’ ‘finish’ ‘come’ ◮ The alternation codes syntactic, morphological and/or information-structure oppositions (Henri, 2010) ☞ Here: presence of a nonclausal following complement b. (1) a. Nou Nou reste toultan. res toultan malad. stay. LF always stay. SF always sick 1PL 1PL ‘We always stay.’ ‘Lit. We always remain sick.’ Bonami, Henri & Lu´ ıs (Paris/Coimbra) Creolistics 9 13 / 29

Comparing lexifier to creole Mauritian Origin of Mauritian paradigms ◮ The origin of the forms filling the paradigms is uncertain ◮ Prevalence of syncretism in the French system Paradigm class 1 class 2 cells LAVER FINIR PRS/IMP.2PL -ise IPFV.SG/3PL -e INF -i PST.PTCP PRS.SG ∅ PRS.3PL -is SBJV.SG/3PL ☞ In 18th century French, infinitive final -r was consistently dropped for verbs of all conjugations, except those with a final schwa (Rosset, 1911, Y.-C. Morin, p.c.). ◮ Lack of statistically usable historical data (Baker et al., 2007) ◮ No parallelism of function Bonami, Henri & Lu´ ıs (Paris/Coimbra) Creolistics 9 14 / 29