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Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Introduction to HPSG Class 2: Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Stefan M uller Ivan A. Sag Theoretical Linguistics/Computational Linguistics Linguistics & CSLI

  1. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Lexical Regularities Vertical Generalizations: Type Hierarchies Part of a Possible Type Hierarchy sign root verb-sign noun-sign saturated unsaturated nominal-sem-sign verbal-sem-sign  ind  3 �� �� [ head verb ] [ head noun ] [ subcat �� ] [ subcat � [], . . . � ] [ cont nom-obj ] [ cont  arg0 3   ]  rels relation det-sc nom-arg nom-dat-arg 1 2 3 agent experiencer � � � � [ subcat � det � ] [ subcat � NP[ nom ] � ] [ subcat � NP[ nom ], NP[ dat ] � ] [ ind | per 3] [ cont | rels arg1-rel ] [ cont | rels arg2-rel ] agent-exp np-np-dat-verb-root count-noun-root helf- Frau- • appropriate paths have to be added: [ subcat �� ] is a shorthand for [ cat | subcat �� ] • Constraints on types hold for their subtypes as well (inheritance). • Instances are connected via dashed lines. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 6/54

  2. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Lexical Regularities Vertical Generalizations: Type Hierarchies Examples for Lexical Items   phon � Frau � cont | rels � frau �     count-noun-root   phon � helf � cont | rels � helfen �     np-np-dat-verb-root � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 7/54

  3. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Lexical Regularities Horizontal Generalizations: Lexical Rules Horizontal and Vertical Generalizations • Type hierarchies are used to cross-classify linguistic objects (lexical entries, schemata). � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 8/54

  4. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Lexical Regularities Horizontal Generalizations: Lexical Rules Horizontal and Vertical Generalizations • Type hierarchies are used to cross-classify linguistic objects (lexical entries, schemata). • We express generalizations over classes of linguistic objects. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 8/54

  5. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Lexical Regularities Horizontal Generalizations: Lexical Rules Horizontal and Vertical Generalizations • Type hierarchies are used to cross-classify linguistic objects (lexical entries, schemata). • We express generalizations over classes of linguistic objects. • We are able to say what certain words have in common: • woman and man • woman und salt • woman und plan � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 8/54

  6. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Lexical Regularities Horizontal Generalizations: Lexical Rules Horizontal and Vertical Generalizations • Type hierarchies are used to cross-classify linguistic objects (lexical entries, schemata). • We express generalizations over classes of linguistic objects. • We are able to say what certain words have in common: • woman and man • woman und salt • woman und plan • But there are other regularities: • kick and kicked as in was kicked • love und loved as in was loved � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 8/54

  7. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Lexical Regularities Horizontal Generalizations: Lexical Rules Horizontal and Vertical Generalizations • Type hierarchies are used to cross-classify linguistic objects (lexical entries, schemata). • We express generalizations over classes of linguistic objects. • We are able to say what certain words have in common: • woman and man • woman und salt • woman und plan • But there are other regularities: • kick and kicked as in was kicked • love und loved as in was loved • We can use a hierarchy to represent the properties of kicked and loved , but this would not capture the fact that kick and kicked are related in the same way as love and loved . � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 8/54

  8. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Lexical Regularities Horizontal Generalizations: Lexical Rules Horizontal and Vertical Generalizations • Type hierarchies are used to cross-classify linguistic objects (lexical entries, schemata). • We express generalizations over classes of linguistic objects. • We are able to say what certain words have in common: • woman and man • woman und salt • woman und plan • But there are other regularities: • kick and kicked as in was kicked • love und loved as in was loved • We can use a hierarchy to represent the properties of kicked and loved , but this would not capture the fact that kick and kicked are related in the same way as love and loved . • Remark: There are proposals in the literature to treat passive by inheritance, but this does not extend to Yucatec Maya (M¨ uller, 2006b). � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 8/54

  9. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Lexical Regularities Horizontal Generalizations: Lexical Rules Lexical Rules • Instead of inheritance we use lexical rules. Jackendoff (1975), Williams (1981), Bresnan (1982), Shieber, Uszkoreit, Pereira, Robinson and Tyson (1983), Flickinger, Pollard and Wasow (1985), Flickinger (1987), Copestake and Briscoe (1992), Meurers (2000) � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 9/54

  10. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Lexical Regularities Horizontal Generalizations: Lexical Rules Lexical Rules • Instead of inheritance we use lexical rules. Jackendoff (1975), Williams (1981), Bresnan (1982), Shieber, Uszkoreit, Pereira, Robinson and Tyson (1983), Flickinger, Pollard and Wasow (1985), Flickinger (1987), Copestake and Briscoe (1992), Meurers (2000) • Example passive: A lexical rule relates a stem to the corresponding passive form. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 9/54

  11. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Lexical Regularities Horizontal Generalizations: Lexical Rules Lexical Rules • Instead of inheritance we use lexical rules. Jackendoff (1975), Williams (1981), Bresnan (1982), Shieber, Uszkoreit, Pereira, Robinson and Tyson (1983), Flickinger, Pollard and Wasow (1985), Flickinger (1987), Copestake and Briscoe (1992), Meurers (2000) • Example passive: A lexical rule relates a stem to the corresponding passive form. • There are different conceptions of lexical rules: Meta Level Lexical Rules (MLR) vs. Description Level Lexical Rules (DLR) See Meurers, 2000 for a detailed discussion. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 9/54

  12. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Lexical Regularities Horizontal Generalizations: Lexical Rules Lexical Rule for the Passive Lexical Rule for the passive:   � � head verb cat � �  subcat NP[ nom ], NP[ acc ] 1 ⊕ A   �→    stem  � �    head vform passiv-part  cat        � �   subcat NP[ nom ] 1 ⊕ A     word (1) a. The man beats the dog. b. The dog was beaten. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 10/54

  13. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Lexical Regularities Horizontal Generalizations: Lexical Rules Conventions for the Interpretation of Lexical Rules • Information that is not mentioned in the output, is carried over from the input. • Example: Passive preserves meaning. The cont values of input and output are identical. Linking information is preserved: Active: Passive: � � �� � � ��     cat subcat cat subcat NP[ nom ] 1 , NP[ acc ] 2 NP[ nom ] 2      ind   ind  3 3              arg0   arg0  3 3             � � � �  arg1   arg1  cont cont   1     1       rels   rels            arg2   arg2   2   2                  beat beat • Convention can be implemented by explicit structure sharing or by the use of defaults (Lascarides and Copestake, 1999). � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 11/54

  14. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Lexical Regularities Horizontal Generalizations: Lexical Rules The Lexical Rule for the Passive in a Different Notation  � �  head | vform passiv-part cat � � subcat NP[ nom ] 1 ⊕ A         � �  head verb    cat � �    subcat ⊕ A  NP[ nom ], NP[ acc ] 1 lex-dtr           stem     acc-passive-lexical-rule • like a unary projection, but restricted to the lexicon � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 12/54

  15. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Lexical Regularities Horizontal Generalizations: Lexical Rules The Lexical Rule for the Passive in a Different Notation  � �  head | vform passiv-part cat � � subcat NP[ nom ] 1 ⊕ A         � �  head verb    cat � �    subcat ⊕ A  NP[ nom ], NP[ acc ] 1 lex-dtr           stem     acc-passive-lexical-rule • like a unary projection, but restricted to the lexicon • word ≻ acc-passive-lexical-rule � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 12/54

  16. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Lexical Regularities Horizontal Generalizations: Lexical Rules The Lexical Rule for the Passive in a Different Notation  � �  head | vform passiv-part cat � � subcat NP[ nom ] 1 ⊕ A         � �  head verb    cat � �    subcat ⊕ A  NP[ nom ], NP[ acc ] 1 lex-dtr           stem     acc-passive-lexical-rule • like a unary projection, but restricted to the lexicon • word ≻ acc-passive-lexical-rule • Since lexical rules are typed, we can capture generalizations over lexical rules. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 12/54

  17. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Lexical Regularities Horizontal Generalizations: Lexical Rules The Lexical Rule for the Passive in a Different Notation  � �  head | vform passiv-part cat � � subcat NP[ nom ] 1 ⊕ A         � �  head verb    cat � �    subcat ⊕ A  NP[ nom ], NP[ acc ] 1 lex-dtr           stem     acc-passive-lexical-rule • like a unary projection, but restricted to the lexicon • word ≻ acc-passive-lexical-rule • Since lexical rules are typed, we can capture generalizations over lexical rules. • This form of lexical rule is fully integrated into the HPSG formalism. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 12/54

  18. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Lexical Regularities Horizontal Generalizations: Lexical Rules The Lexical Rule for the Passive with Morphology   phon f ( 1 ) � � head | vform passiv-part     cat � �   subcat NP[ nom ] 2 ⊕ A         phon 1     � � lex-dtr cat | subcat NP[ nom ], NP[ acc ] 2 ⊕ A           stem     acc-passive-lexical-rule • f is a function that returns the passive form that corresponds to the phon value of the lex-dtr ( kick → kicked ) � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 13/54

  19. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Lexical Regularities Horizontal Generalizations: Lexical Rules The Lexical Rule for the Passive with Morphology   phon f ( 1 ) � � head | vform passiv-part     cat � �   subcat NP[ nom ] 2 ⊕ A         phon 1     � � lex-dtr cat | subcat NP[ nom ], NP[ acc ] 2 ⊕ A           stem     acc-passive-lexical-rule • f is a function that returns the passive form that corresponds to the phon value of the lex-dtr ( kick → kicked ) • Alternative: Head Affix Structures (similar to binary branching structures in syntax) � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 13/54

  20. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Lexical Regularities Head Affix Structures vs. Lexical Rules Head Affix Structures vs. Lexical Rules • Lexical Rules (Orgun, 1996; Riehemann, 1998; Ackerman and Webelhuth, 1998; Koenig, 1999; M¨ uller, 2002) � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 14/54

  21. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Lexical Regularities Head Affix Structures vs. Lexical Rules Head Affix Structures vs. Lexical Rules • Lexical Rules (Orgun, 1996; Riehemann, 1998; Ackerman and Webelhuth, 1998; Koenig, 1999; M¨ uller, 2002) • Head Affix approaches (Krieger and Nerbonne, 1993; Krieger, 1994; van Eynde, 1994; Lebeth, 1994) � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 14/54

  22. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Lexical Regularities Head Affix Structures vs. Lexical Rules Head Affix Structures vs. Lexical Rules • Lexical Rules (Orgun, 1996; Riehemann, 1998; Ackerman and Webelhuth, 1998; Koenig, 1999; M¨ uller, 2002) • Head Affix approaches (Krieger and Nerbonne, 1993; Krieger, 1994; van Eynde, 1994; Lebeth, 1994) • The approaches can be translated into each other in many cases (M¨ uller, 2002). � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 14/54

  23. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Lexical Regularities Head Affix Structures vs. Lexical Rules Head Affix Structures vs. Lexical Rules • Lexical Rules (Orgun, 1996; Riehemann, 1998; Ackerman and Webelhuth, 1998; Koenig, 1999; M¨ uller, 2002) • Head Affix approaches (Krieger and Nerbonne, 1993; Krieger, 1994; van Eynde, 1994; Lebeth, 1994) • The approaches can be translated into each other in many cases (M¨ uller, 2002). • Sometimes it is regarded as an advantage that lexical rules make the stipulation of hundreds of empty affixes for zero inflection and conversion unnecessary. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 14/54

  24. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Lexical Regularities Head Affix Structures vs. Lexical Rules Head Affix Structures vs. Lexical Rules • Lexical Rules (Orgun, 1996; Riehemann, 1998; Ackerman and Webelhuth, 1998; Koenig, 1999; M¨ uller, 2002) • Head Affix approaches (Krieger and Nerbonne, 1993; Krieger, 1994; van Eynde, 1994; Lebeth, 1994) • The approaches can be translated into each other in many cases (M¨ uller, 2002). • Sometimes it is regarded as an advantage that lexical rules make the stipulation of hundreds of empty affixes for zero inflection and conversion unnecessary. • Subtractive morphemes are not needed in an LR-based approach. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 14/54

  25. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Lexical Regularities Head Affix Structures vs. Lexical Rules Head Affix Structures vs. Lexical Rules • Lexical Rules (Orgun, 1996; Riehemann, 1998; Ackerman and Webelhuth, 1998; Koenig, 1999; M¨ uller, 2002) • Head Affix approaches (Krieger and Nerbonne, 1993; Krieger, 1994; van Eynde, 1994; Lebeth, 1994) • The approaches can be translated into each other in many cases (M¨ uller, 2002). • Sometimes it is regarded as an advantage that lexical rules make the stipulation of hundreds of empty affixes for zero inflection and conversion unnecessary. • Subtractive morphemes are not needed in an LR-based approach. • Some languages have affixal material that realizes more than one argument (Crysmann, 2002, Chapter 2.1.1.4 and p. 169–171). � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 14/54

  26. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Constituent Order Outline • Lexical Regularities • Constituent Order • Complex Predicates

  27. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Constituent Order Constituent Order: Binary vs. Flat Structures • We used binary branching structures in Class 1. head-argument-phrase ⇒   cat | subcat A head-dtr | cat | subcat A ⊕ � 1 �     non-head-dtrs � 1 � We will argue for binary branching structures for German shortly. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 15/54

  28. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Constituent Order Constituent Order: Binary vs. Flat Structures • We used binary branching structures in Class 1. head-argument-phrase ⇒   cat | subcat A head-dtr | cat | subcat A ⊕ � 1 �     non-head-dtrs � 1 � We will argue for binary branching structures for German shortly. • However, binary branching is not the only option. For languages like English a flat VP is assumed. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 15/54

  29. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Constituent Order Constituent Order: Binary vs. Flat Structures • We used binary branching structures in Class 1. head-argument-phrase ⇒   cat | subcat A head-dtr | cat | subcat A ⊕ � 1 �     non-head-dtrs � 1 � We will argue for binary branching structures for German shortly. • However, binary branching is not the only option. For languages like English a flat VP is assumed. • The subject is represented separately (as the value of the feature specifier ). � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 15/54

  30. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Constituent Order Constituent Order: Binary vs. Flat Structures • We used binary branching structures in Class 1. head-argument-phrase ⇒   cat | subcat A head-dtr | cat | subcat A ⊕ � 1 �     non-head-dtrs � 1 � We will argue for binary branching structures for German shortly. • However, binary branching is not the only option. For languages like English a flat VP is assumed. • The subject is represented separately (as the value of the feature specifier ). The other arguments are represented under comps . • Elements in comps are combined with their head in one go. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 15/54

  31. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Constituent Order Constituent Order: Binary vs. Flat Structures • The following head argument schema licenses VPs, that is, projections of a head that include the head and all its arguments except the specifier. head-complement-phrase ⇒   cat | comps �� head-dtr | cat | comps A     non-head-dtrs A � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 16/54

  32. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Constituent Order Constituent Order: Binary vs. Flat Structures • The following head argument schema licenses VPs, that is, projections of a head that include the head and all its arguments except the specifier. head-complement-phrase ⇒   cat | comps �� head-dtr | cat | comps A     non-head-dtrs A • Haegeman’s argument for binary branching on the basis of learnability (1994) is flawed. Children have semantic clues. On innateness and learnability see Tomasello, 2003; D ֒ abrowska, 2004. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 16/54

  33. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Constituent Order The English Clause V[ spr �� , comps �� ] 1 NP V[ spr � 1 � , comps �� ] V[ spr � 1 � , 3 NP 2 NP comps � 2 , 3 � ] Kim gives Sandy a cookie � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 17/54

  34. Constituent Order Argument-Structure/Valency Mappings English Argument-Structure/Valency Mappings: English • A list valued feature argument-structure is used for the representation of arguments independent of their function as subject or complement. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 18/54

  35. Constituent Order Argument-Structure/Valency Mappings English Argument-Structure/Valency Mappings: English • A list valued feature argument-structure is used for the representation of arguments independent of their function as subject or complement. • English: The subject is VP-external, both for finite and nonfinite verbs. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 18/54

  36. Constituent Order Argument-Structure/Valency Mappings English Argument-Structure/Valency Mappings: English • A list valued feature argument-structure is used for the representation of arguments independent of their function as subject or complement. • English: The subject is VP-external, both for finite and nonfinite verbs. • All arguments but the subject are mapped from arg-st to comps : gives :   spr � 1 � comps A     � � � � arg-st 1 NP[ nom ] ⊕ A NP[ acc ], NP[ acc ] Linking is done with reference to arg-st . � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 18/54

  37. Constituent Order Argument-Structure/Valency Mappings German Argument-Structure/Valency Mappings: German • German: There is no distinction between subject and other arguments for finite verbs. (Much discussed topic: Haider, 1982; Grewendorf, 1983; Kratzer, 1984; Webelhuth, 1985; Sternefeld, 1985; Scherpenisse, 1986; Fanselow, 1987; Grewendorf, 1988; D¨ urscheid, 1989; Webelhuth, 1990; Oppenrieder, 1991; Wilder, 1991; Haider, 1993; Grewendorf, 1993; Frey, 1993; Lenerz, 1994; Meinunger, 2000) � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 19/54

  38. Constituent Order Argument-Structure/Valency Mappings German Argument-Structure/Valency Mappings: German • German: There is no distinction between subject and other arguments for finite verbs. (Much discussed topic: Haider, 1982; Grewendorf, 1983; Kratzer, 1984; Webelhuth, 1985; Sternefeld, 1985; Scherpenisse, 1986; Fanselow, 1987; Grewendorf, 1988; D¨ urscheid, 1989; Webelhuth, 1990; Oppenrieder, 1991; Wilder, 1991; Haider, 1993; Grewendorf, 1993; Frey, 1993; Lenerz, 1994; Meinunger, 2000) • All arguments are mapped from arg-st to comps : gibt ( gives , finite Form):   spr �� comps A     � � arg-st NP[ nom ], NP[ acc ], NP[ dat ] A � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 19/54

  39. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Constituent Order Languages with Free(er) Constituent Order Languages with Free(er) Constituent Order • We will now look at German, since it is interesting in its reordering possibilities. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 20/54

  40. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Constituent Order Languages with Free(er) Constituent Order Languages with Free(er) Constituent Order • We will now look at German, since it is interesting in its reordering possibilities. • German is an SOV language, however in declarative clauses the verb appears in second position and in matrix interrogative clauses, it appears in first position. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 20/54

  41. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Constituent Order Languages with Free(er) Constituent Order Languages with Free(er) Constituent Order • We will now look at German, since it is interesting in its reordering possibilities. • German is an SOV language, however in declarative clauses the verb appears in second position and in matrix interrogative clauses, it appears in first position. • How do we account for the serialization of arguments? � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 20/54

  42. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Constituent Order Languages with Free(er) Constituent Order Languages with Free(er) Constituent Order • We will now look at German, since it is interesting in its reordering possibilities. • German is an SOV language, however in declarative clauses the verb appears in second position and in matrix interrogative clauses, it appears in first position. • How do we account for the serialization of arguments? • How do we account for the verb position? � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 20/54

  43. Constituent Order Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Arguments Relatively Free Constituent Order • Arguments can be serialized in almost any order: (2) a. weil der Mann der Frau das Buch gibt because the man the woman the book gives ‘because the man gives the book to the woman’ b. weil der Mann das Buch der Frau gibt c. weil das Buch der Mann der Frau gibt d. weil das Buch der Frau der Mann gibt e. weil der Frau der Mann das Buch gibt f. weil der Frau das Buch der Mann gibt � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 21/54

  44. Constituent Order Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Arguments Relatively Free Constituent Order • Arguments can be serialized in almost any order: (2) a. weil der Mann der Frau das Buch gibt because the man the woman the book gives ‘because the man gives the book to the woman’ b. weil der Mann das Buch der Frau gibt c. weil das Buch der Mann der Frau gibt d. weil das Buch der Frau der Mann gibt e. weil der Frau der Mann das Buch gibt f. weil der Frau das Buch der Mann gibt • (2b–f) require a different prosody and a more restrictive context than (2a) (H¨ ohle, 1982). � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 21/54

  45. Constituent Order Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Adjuncts Adjuncts in the Mittelfeld • In addition to the arguments, adjuncts may be serialized in the Mittelfeld. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 22/54

  46. Constituent Order Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Adjuncts Adjuncts in the Mittelfeld • In addition to the arguments, adjuncts may be serialized in the Mittelfeld. • These can be placed at arbitrary positions between the arguments: (3) a. weil morgen der Mann das Buch der Frau gibt because tomorrow the man the woman the book gives ‘because the man gives the book to the woman tomorrow’ b. weil der Mann morgen das Buch der Frau gibt c. weil der Mann das Buch morgen der Frau gibt d. weil der Mann das Buch der Frau morgen gibt � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 22/54

  47. Constituent Order Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Adjuncts Scopal Adjuncts • scopal adjuncts may not be reordered without changing the meaning: (4) a. weil er absichtlich nicht lacht because he deliberately not laughs ‘because he deliberately does not laugh’ b. weil er nicht absichtlich lacht because he not deliberately laughs ‘because he does not laugh deliberately’ � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 23/54

  48. Constituent Order Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Adjuncts Binary Branching Structures • Sentences like (5) are unproblematic: (5) weil [der Mann [das Buch [der Frau gibt]]] because the man the book the woman gives � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 24/54

  49. Constituent Order Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Adjuncts Binary Branching Structures • Sentences like (5) are unproblematic: (5) weil [der Mann [das Buch [der Frau gibt]]] because the man the book the woman gives • The integration of adjuncts is straightforward as well: (6) a. weil [morgen [der Mann [das Buch [der Frau gibt]]]] b. weil [der Mann [morgen [das Buch [der Frau gibt]]]] c. weil [der Mann [das Buch [morgen [der Frau gibt]]]] d. weil [der Mann [das Buch [der Frau [morgen gibt]]]] � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 24/54

  50. Constituent Order Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Adjuncts Binary Branching Structures • Sentences like (5) are unproblematic: (5) weil [der Mann [das Buch [der Frau gibt]]] because the man the book the woman gives • The integration of adjuncts is straightforward as well: (6) a. weil [morgen [der Mann [das Buch [der Frau gibt]]]] b. weil [der Mann [morgen [das Buch [der Frau gibt]]]] c. weil [der Mann [das Buch [morgen [der Frau gibt]]]] d. weil [der Mann [das Buch [der Frau [morgen gibt]]]] • The difference in meaning in (7) follows from the difference in embedding: (7) a. weil er [absichtlich [nicht lacht]] b. weil er [nicht [absichtlich lacht]] � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 24/54

  51. Constituent Order Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Arguments Permutation of Arguments in the Mittelfeld • Permutation of arguments is not explained yet. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 25/54

  52. Constituent Order Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Arguments Permutation of Arguments in the Mittelfeld • Permutation of arguments is not explained yet. • Thus far, we have combined the head with the last element in the comps list. head-complement-phrase ⇒   cat | comps A head-dtr | cat | comps A ⊕ � 1 �     non-head-dtrs � 1 � � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 25/54

  53. Constituent Order Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Arguments Permutation of Arguments in the Mittelfeld • Permutation of arguments is not explained yet. • Thus far, we have combined the head with the last element in the comps list. head-complement-phrase ⇒   cat | comps A head-dtr | cat | comps A ⊕ � 1 �     non-head-dtrs � 1 � • Generalization of the Head-Argument-Schema: Instead of append ( ⊕ ) we use delete ( ⊖ ). ⊖ removes one element from a list. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 25/54

  54. Constituent Order Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Arguments The Head-Argument-Schema • old: head-complement-phrase ⇒   cat | comps A head-dtr | cat | comps A ⊕ � 1 �     non-head-dtrs � 1 � • new: head-complement-phrase ⇒   cat | comps A ⊖ 1 head-dtr | cat | comps A     non-head-dtrs � 1 � � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 26/54

  55. Constituent Order Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Arguments Example: Normal Order (8) a. weil jeder das Buch kennt because everybody the book knows b. weil das Buch jeder kennt V[ comps � � ] V[ comps � 1 � ] 1 NP[ nom ] 2 NP[ acc ] V[ comps � 1 , 2 � ] jeder das Buch kennt � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 27/54

  56. Constituent Order Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Arguments Example: Reordering V[ comps � � ] V[ comps � 2 � ] 2 NP[ acc ] 1 NP[ nom ] V[ comps � 1 , 2 � ] das Buch jeder kennt The difference is the order in which the elements in comps get saturated. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 28/54

  57. Constituent Order Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Arguments Example: Reordering V[ comps � � ] V[ comps � 2 � ] 2 NP[ acc ] 1 NP[ nom ] V[ comps � 1 , 2 � ] das Buch jeder kennt The difference is the order in which the elements in comps get saturated. See Gunji, 1986 for similar suggestions for Japanese. See Fanselow, 2001 for an aequivalent suggestion in the Minimalist Program. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 28/54

  58. Constituent Order Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Arguments Demo: Grammar 9 (9) a. daß der Mann der Frau das Buch gibt that the man nom the woman dat the book acc gives b. daß der Mann das Buch der Frau gibt that the man nom the book acc the woman dat gives c. daß der Mann der Frau das Buch morgen gibt that the man nom the woman dat the book acc tomorrow gives d. daß der Mann der Frau morgen das Buch gibt that the man nom the woman dat tomorrow the book acc gives e. daß er oft nicht lacht that he often not laughs f. daß er nicht oft lacht that he not often laughs � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 29/54

  59. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Constituent Order Verb Placement Verb Placement S V � S � S V NP V’ NP V kennt k er ihn [ ] k • A trace takes the position of the finite verb in verb-initial sentences. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 30/54

  60. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Constituent Order Verb Placement Verb Placement S V � S � S V NP V’ NP V kennt k er ihn [ ] k • A trace takes the position of the finite verb in verb-initial sentences. • A special form of the verb is in initial position. It selects the projection of the empty verb. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 30/54

  61. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Constituent Order Verb Placement Verb Placement S V � S � S V NP V’ NP V kennt k er ihn [ ] k • A trace takes the position of the finite verb in verb-initial sentences. • A special form of the verb is in initial position. It selects the projection of the empty verb. • The special lexical item is licensed by a lexical rule. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 30/54

  62. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Constituent Order Verb Placement Verb Placement S V � S/ /V � S/ /V V NP V’/ /V NP V / /V kennt k er ihn [ ] k • A trace takes the position of the finite verb in verb-initial sentences. • A special form of the verb is in initial position. It selects the projection of the empty verb. • The special lexical item is licensed by a lexical rule. • Connection between verb and trace is established by percolation. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 30/54

  63. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Constituent Order Verb Placement Demo: Grammar 9 (10) Gibt der Mann der Frau das Buch. gives the man nom the woman dat the book acc � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 31/54

  64. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Constituent Order Languages with Very Free Constituent Order/Word Order Languages with Very Free Constituent Order/Word Order • Until now we have seen grammars for English and German, but there are languages like Warlpiri and Latin, in which parts of constituents appear discontinuously. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 32/54

  65. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Constituent Order Languages with Very Free Constituent Order/Word Order Languages with Very Free Constituent Order/Word Order • Until now we have seen grammars for English and German, but there are languages like Warlpiri and Latin, in which parts of constituents appear discontinuously. • Reape (1994) extended the HPSG apparatus by introducing linearization domains. He used them to account for the verbal complex, but this analysis is shown to be untenable by Kathol (1998). � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 32/54

  66. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Constituent Order Languages with Very Free Constituent Order/Word Order Languages with Very Free Constituent Order/Word Order • Until now we have seen grammars for English and German, but there are languages like Warlpiri and Latin, in which parts of constituents appear discontinuously. • Reape (1994) extended the HPSG apparatus by introducing linearization domains. He used them to account for the verbal complex, but this analysis is shown to be untenable by Kathol (1998). • Donohue and Sag (1999) use linearization domains to account for Warlpiri. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 32/54

  67. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Constituent Order Languages with Very Free Constituent Order/Word Order Languages with Very Free Constituent Order/Word Order • Until now we have seen grammars for English and German, but there are languages like Warlpiri and Latin, in which parts of constituents appear discontinuously. • Reape (1994) extended the HPSG apparatus by introducing linearization domains. He used them to account for the verbal complex, but this analysis is shown to be untenable by Kathol (1998). • Donohue and Sag (1999) use linearization domains to account for Warlpiri. • Reape, 1991, 1992, 1994; Pollard, Kasper and Levine, 1992, 1994; Kathol and Pollard, 1995; Kathol, 1995, 2000; M¨ uller, 1995, 1997a, 1999, 2002; Richter and Sailer, 1999 used domains to account for German, but these proposals are not without problems (M¨ uller, 2005a,b). � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 32/54

  68. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Constituent Order Languages with Very Free Constituent Order/Word Order Languages with Very Free Constituent Order/Word Order • Until now we have seen grammars for English and German, but there are languages like Warlpiri and Latin, in which parts of constituents appear discontinuously. • Reape (1994) extended the HPSG apparatus by introducing linearization domains. He used them to account for the verbal complex, but this analysis is shown to be untenable by Kathol (1998). • Donohue and Sag (1999) use linearization domains to account for Warlpiri. • Reape, 1991, 1992, 1994; Pollard, Kasper and Levine, 1992, 1994; Kathol and Pollard, 1995; Kathol, 1995, 2000; M¨ uller, 1995, 1997a, 1999, 2002; Richter and Sailer, 1999 used domains to account for German, but these proposals are not without problems (M¨ uller, 2005a,b). • One important area of application is coordination: Crysmann, 2001, 2002, 2003a; Beavers and Sag, 2004 � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 32/54

  69. Constituent Order Languages with Very Free Constituent Order/Word Order Binary Branching Structures and Linearization Domains Linearization Domains and Discontinuous Constituents V[ fin , comps � � ] C H 1 NP[ nom ] 1 � ] V[ fin , comps � C H 2 NP[ acc ] 1 , 2 � ] V[ fin , comps � C H 1 , 2 , 3 � ] 3 NP[ dat ] V[ fin , comps � der Mann das Buch der Frau gibt • blue nodes are inserted into a list: the linearization domain � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 33/54

  70. Constituent Order Languages with Very Free Constituent Order/Word Order Binary Branching Structures and Linearization Domains Linearization Domains and Discontinuous Constituents V[ fin , comps � � ] C H 1 NP[ nom ] 1 � ] V[ fin , comps � C H 2 NP[ acc ] 1 , 2 � ] V[ fin , comps � C H 1 , 2 , 3 � ] 3 NP[ dat ] V[ fin , comps � der Mann das Buch der Frau gibt • blue nodes are inserted into a list: the linearization domain • The permutation of elements in such domains is restricted by linearization rules � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 33/54

  71. Constituent Order Languages with Very Free Constituent Order/Word Order Binary Branching Structures and Linearization Domains Linearization Domains and Discontinuous Constituents V[ fin , comps � � ] C H 1 NP[ nom ] 1 � ] V[ fin , comps � C H 2 NP[ acc ] 1 , 2 � ] V[ fin , comps � C H 1 , 2 , 3 � ] 3 NP[ dat ] V[ fin , comps � der Mann das Buch der Frau gibt • blue nodes are inserted into a list: the linearization domain • The permutation of elements in such domains is restricted by linearization rules • Linearization domains are head domains ↔ Scrambling is local � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 33/54

  72. Constituent Order Languages with Very Free Constituent Order/Word Order Representation of Lexical Heads Representation of Lexical Heads   phon 1 synsem 2       phon   1   � �   synsem 2     dom     dom ��         word     word • Every head contains a description of it in its constituent order domain. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 34/54

  73. Constituent Order Languages with Very Free Constituent Order/Word Order Representation of Lexical Heads Representation of Lexical Heads   phon 1 synsem 2       phon   1   � �   synsem 2     dom     dom ��         word     word • Every head contains a description of it in its constituent order domain. • Adjunct and complement daughters are inserted into this list and are ordered relative to the head. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 34/54

  74. Constituent Order Languages with Very Free Constituent Order/Word Order Domain Formation Domain Formation • All non-head daughters are inserted into the domain of the head:  head-dtr | dom  1 non-head-dtrs 2   dom 1 � 2 � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 35/54

  75. Constituent Order Languages with Very Free Constituent Order/Word Order Domain Formation Domain Formation • All non-head daughters are inserted into the domain of the head:  head-dtr | dom  1 non-head-dtrs 2   dom 1 � 2 • Domain elements can be ordered freely provided no LP constraint is violated. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 35/54

  76. Constituent Order Languages with Very Free Constituent Order/Word Order Domain Formation Domain Formation • All non-head daughters are inserted into the domain of the head:  head-dtr | dom  1 non-head-dtrs 2   dom 1 � 2 • Domain elements can be ordered freely provided no LP constraint is violated. • The shuffle relation holds between three lists A, B, and C, iff C contains all elements of A and B and the order of the elements in A and the order of the elements in B is preserved in C. � a, b � � � c, d � = � a, b, c, d � ∨ � a, c, b, d � ∨ � a, c, d, b � ∨ � c, a, b, d � ∨ � c, a, d, b � ∨ � c, d, a, b � � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 35/54

  77. Constituent Order Languages with Very Free Constituent Order/Word Order PHON Computation phon Computation • Domain elements are ordered in surface order. • → computation of the phon value is simple concatenation  A 1 ⊕ . . . ⊕ An  phon     �� � � �� phon phon  A 1  An  , . . . ,  dom   sign sign     phrase � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 36/54

  78. Constituent Order Examples Continuous Constituents Continuous Constituents V[ fin , comps � � , dom � der Mann, das Buch, der Frau, gibt � ] C H 1 NP[ nom ] V[ fin , comps � 1 � , dom � das Buch, der Frau, gibt � ] C H 2 NP[ acc ] V[ fin , comps � 1 , 2 � , dom � der Frau, gibt � ] C H 3 NP[ dat ] V[ fin , comps � 1 , 2 , 3 � , dom � gibt � ] der Mann das Buch der Frau gibt � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 37/54

  79. Constituent Order Examples Discontinuous Constituents / Order in the Mittelfeld Discontinuous Constituents / Order in the Mittelfeld V[ fin , comps � � , dom � der Mann, der Frau, das Buch, gibt � ] C H 1 NP[ nom ] V[ fin , comps � 1 � , dom � der Frau, das Buch, gibt � ] C H 2 NP[ acc ] V[ fin , comps � 1 , 2 � , dom � der Frau, gibt � ] C H 3 NP[ dat ] V[ fin , comps � 1 , 2 , 3 � , dom � gibt � ] der Mann das Buch der Frau gibt � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 38/54

  80. Constituent Order Examples Discontinuous Constituents / Verb Position Discontinuous Constituents / Verb Position V[ fin , comps � � , dom � gibt, der Mann, das Buch, der Frau � ] C H 1 NP[ nom ] V[ fin , comps � 1 � , dom � gibt, das Buch, der Frau � ] C H 2 NP[ acc ] V[ fin , comps � 1 , 2 � , dom � gibt, der Frau � ] C H 3 NP[ dat ] V[ fin , comps � 1 , 2 , 3 � , dom � gibt � ] der Mann das Buch der Frau gibt � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 39/54

  81. Constituent Order Examples Verb Position with Constituents in Surface Order Verb Position with Constituents in Surface Order V[ fin , comps � � , dom � gibt, der Mann, das Buch, der Frau � ] H C V[ fin , subcat � 1 � , dom � gibt, das Buch, der Frau � ] H C V[ fin , subcat � 1 , 2 � , dom � gibt, der Frau � ] H C V[ fin , subcat � 1 , 2 , 3 � , dom � gibt � ] 1 NP[ nom ] 2 NP[ acc ] 3 NP[ dat ] gibt der Mann das Buch der Frau � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 40/54

  82. Constituent Order Examples A Remark A Remark • The dominance structures of all the sentences in (11) are identical: (11) a. der Mann der Frau das Buch gibt. the man the woman the book gives b. der Mann das Buch der Frau gibt. the man the book the woman gives c. Gibt der Mann das Buch der Frau. gives the man the book the woman • It is only the order in the constituent domains that differs. � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 41/54

  83. Constituent Order Examples A Remark A Remark • The dominance structures of all the sentences in (11) are identical: (11) a. der Mann der Frau das Buch gibt. the man the woman the book gives b. der Mann das Buch der Frau gibt. the man the book the woman gives c. Gibt der Mann das Buch der Frau. gives the man the book the woman • It is only the order in the constituent domains that differs. • Demo! � Stefan M¨ c uller & Ivan A. Sag 2007, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & Linguistics & CSLI, Stanford University 41/54

  84. Constituent Order Variation & Complex Predicates Complex Predicates Outline • Lexical Regularities • Constituent Order • Complex Predicates

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