Overview Partial Constituent Fronting in German The phenomenon: - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

SLIDE 1

Partial Constituent Fronting in German

Kordula De Kuthy Detmar Meurers

Introduction to HPSG, July 2, 2009

Overview

• The phenomenon: Partial constituent fronting in German

– Partial VPs – Partial APs – Partial NPs – Interaction: Partial constituents embedded in VPs

• An HPSG theory

– The argument raising principle – ID schemata – Two example analyses

• Summary and Outlook

2

Partial Fronting in German

Partial fronting phenomena occur with VPs, APs and NPs: (1) [Verkaufen] sell wird will er he das the Pferd. horse

‘He is going to sell the horse.’

(2) [Ein a Buch] book hat has Hans Hans ¨ uber

• n

Syntax syntax ausgeliehen. borrowed

‘Hans borrowed a book on syntax.’

(3) [Stolz] proud ist is er he auf

• f

seine his Kinder. children

‘He is proud of his children.’

The partial constituents also occur embedded inside of fronted verbal constituents: (4) [[Ein a Buch] book ausleihen] borrow will wants-to er he ¨ uber

• n

Syntax. syntax

‘He wants to borrow a book on syntax.’

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Partial Fronting in German

Analysis Ideas Idea 1: Partial constituents result from moving a constituent containing a gap (remnant movement). (Thiersch 1985, Webelhuth and Den Besten 1987, Hinrichs and Nakazawa 1994, G. M¨

uller 1996)

(5) [Ein a Buch book tj]i hat has Hans Hans ti ¨ uber Syntaxj

• n syntax

ausgeliehen. borrowed Idea 2: “Small” constituents are licensed by special mechanisms like reanalysis or argument raising (reanalysis: Fanselow 1987; argument raising: Pollard 1996, Nerbonne 1994, S. M¨

uller 1997, Meurers 1999, . . . )

Task:

• Develop a general argument raising theory licensing the different kinds of partial constituents.
• Capture the similarities and differences between categories.
• Predict the observed interaction with (P)VP topicalization.

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SLIDE 2

Partial VP complements

• I. Partially fronted verbal complements occur only for coherently constructing verbs:

(6) [Zu to verkaufen] sell braucht needs / versucht tries / * hofft hopes er he das the Pferd horse nicht. not

‘He doesn’t need to / try to / hope to sell the horse.’

II a. Partial verbal complements can never occur at the beginning of the Mittelfeld: (7) * Er he scheint seems / versucht tries / hofft hopes [zu to verkaufen] sell das the Pferd. horse

‘He seems to / tries to / hopes to sell the horse.’

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More on VP complements

II b. Complete verbal complements at the beginning of the Mittelfeld occur for incoherently constructing verbs (8) * Er he wird will [das the Pferd horse verkaufen] sell noch still heute today wollen. want (9) Er he wird will [das the Pferd horse zu to verkaufen] sell noch still heute today versuchen. try (10) Er he wird will [das the Pferd horse zu to verkaufen] sell ihr her noch still heute today empfehlen. advise

• III. A complement of the verbal complement can occur at the beginning of the Mittelfeld for

coherently constructing verbs: (11) Noch Still heute today wird will es it der the Mann man [verkaufen] sell wollen. want (12) Noch Still heute today wird will es it der the Mann man [zu to verkaufen] sell versuchen. try (13) * Noch Still heute today wird will es it der the Mann man [zu to verkaufen] sell empfehlen. advise

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Partial AP complements

• I. Partial AP complements can be fronted:

(14) [Stolz] proud ist is er he auf

• f

seine his Kinder children gewesen. been

= coh. (6) ‘He was proud of his children.’

• II. Neither a partial nor a full AP can appear at the beginning of the Mittelfeld:

(15) * Er he ist is [stolz] proud immer always auf

• f

seine his Kinder children gewesen. been

= coh. (7)

(16) * Er he ist is [stolz proud auf

• f

seine his Kinder] children immer always gewesen. been

= coh. (8)

• III. A complement of the adjectival complement can occur at the beginning of the Mittelfeld:

(17) Er he ist is auf

• n

seine his Kinder children immer always [stolz] proud gewesen. been

= coh. (11

Conclusion: analyze AP complements analogous to the verbal complements of obligatorily coherent verbs.

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Partial NP complements

• I. Partial NP complements can be fronted (subject to lexical restrictions, De Kuthy 2001):

(18) [Ein a Buch] book hat has Hans Hans ¨ uber

• n

Syntax syntax ausgeliehen. borrowed

= coh. (6)

• II. A full or partial NP complement can occur at the beginning of the Mittelfeld:

(19) Er he hat has [ein a Buch book ¨ uber

• n

Syntax] syntax heute today ausgeliehen. borrowed

= incoh (10

(20) Er he hat has [nur a ein book Buch] today w¨ ahrend

• n

seines syntax Studiums borrowed ¨ uber Syntax ausgeliehen.

= verb adj.

• III. A PP complement of the nominal complement can occur at the beginning of the Mittelfeld:

(21) Er he hat has ¨ uber

• n

Syntax syntax w¨ ahrend during seines his Studiums studies [kein not a einziges single Buch] book ausgeliehen. borrowed

= coh. (11

Conclusion: NP complements with PP arguments do not pattern with VP/AP complements.

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SLIDE 3

Embedded partial constituents

The partial constituents also occur embedded inside of fronted verbal constituents, which can also be partial: (22) [Verkaufen sell m¨ ussen] have-to wird will er he das the Pferd. horse

‘He will have to sell the horse.’

(23) [Stolz proud gewesen] been ist is er he auf

• f

seine his Kinder. children

‘He was proud of his children.’

(24) [Ein a Buch book ausleihen] lend will wants-to er he ihr her ¨ uber

• n

Syntax syntax aber but nicht. not

‘But he does not want to lend her a book on Syntax.’

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Embedded partial constituents (cont.)

Fronting only the complement of a complement together with the embedding verb is ungrammatical: (25) * [Das the Pferd horse m¨ ussen2] have-to wird1 will er he verkaufen3. sell (26) * [Auf

• f

seine his Kinder children gewesen2] been ist1 is er he stolz3. proud (27) * [¨ Uber

• n

Syntax syntax ausleihen2] borrow will1 wants-to er he ein a Buch3. book

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Argument Raising

(28) [H¨

• ren

hear wollen] want wird will er he das the Meer. sea How can the subcategorization requirement of the main verb h¨

• ren can be linked to the occurrence
• f the object das Meer in the Mittelfeld?

⇒ Argument raising adds the unsaturated subcategorization requirements of the verbal complement to the subcategorization requirements of the verbal head.

2 6 6 6 6 4 phon ˙

wollen¸

synsem|loc|cat|val|comps 1 ⊕ * 2 6 4loc|cat 2 6 4head " verb vform bse # val|comps 1 3 7 5 3 7 5 + 3 7 7 7 7 5

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Lexical entries for (in)coherent verbs

• obligatorily coherent

2 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 4 phon ˙

wollen

¸ synsem|loc|cat|head " verb vform bse # arg-st * ˆ loc|cat|head noun ˜ , 2 6 4loc|cat|head " verb vform bse # lex + 3 7 5 + 3 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 5

• optionally coherent

2 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 4 phon ˙

hoffen¸

synsem|loc|cat|head " verb vform bse # arg-st * ˆ loc|cat|head noun ˜ , " loc|cat|head " verb vform zu-inf # # + 3 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 5

12

SLIDE 4

Lexical entries for (in)coherent verbs (cont.)

• obligatorily incoherent

2 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 4 phon ˙

empfehlen

¸ synsem|loc|cat|head " verb vform bse # arg-st * ˆ loc|cat|head noun ˜ , 2 6 4loc|cat|head " verb vform zu-inf # lex − 3 7 5 + 3 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 5

13

Lexical entries for transitive verbs

• verb selecting an adjectival complement:

2 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 4 phon sein synsem|loc|cat|head " verb vform bse # arg-st * ˆ loc|cat|head noun ˜ , " loc|cat|head adjective lex + # + 3 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 5

• verb selecting a nominal complement:

2 6 6 6 6 6 4 phon ausleihen synsem|loc|cat|head " verb vform bse # arg-st D ˆ loc|cat|head noun˜ , ˆ loc|cat|head noun˜ E 3 7 7 7 7 7 5

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The Lexical Argument Raising Principle

Basic Version

2 6 4 word s|l|c|head " verb vform bse # 3 7 5 → 2 6 4 s|l|c|v " subj ˙

1

¸ comps raised`

3

´⊕ 2 # arg-st ˙

1 | 2

¸ ∧ `

3 indep´

3 7 5

Argument Raising Sources: Independent Arguments:

raised`

• ´

:= raised B @ * 2 6 4 lex + l|c »head verb ∨ adj v|comps 1 – 3 7 5 + 1 C A:= 1indep raised * " l|c »head noun v|comps 1 – # + ! := 1indep indep := indep := * »l|c|v|comps lex − – | indep +

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Coherent verbs as argument raising sources

The two lex specifications (adjectival and verbal argument-raising sources are

ˆ lex +˜, and raised

complements

ˆ lex − ˜) ensure that verbal or adjectival heads from which arguments have been

raised cannot be raised themselves. (29) daß that er he sie her [ansehen3 see k¨

• nnen2]

can muß1 must

‘That he must be able to take a look at her.’

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SLIDE 5

Deriving finite verbs

A simple finitivization lexical rule:

2 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 4 word phon 1 s|l|c 2 6 6 6 6 4 head " verb vform bse # val " subj

2

comps 3 # 3 7 7 7 7 5 3 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 5

→

2 6 6 6 6 4 phon bse2fin `

1,2

´ s|l|c 2 6 4 head ˆ vform fin ˜ val " subj

• comps 2 ⊕ 3

# 3 7 5 3 7 7 7 7 5

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The ID Principle

»phrase dtrs headed-struc –

→

2 6 6 6 6 4 s|lex + dtrs 2 6 4 head-comps-struc head-dtr word comp-dtrs D ˆ s|lex + ˜ E 3 7 5 3 7 7 7 7 5

(CF)

∨

2 6 4 s|lex − dtrs »head-comps-struc head-dtr word – 3 7 5

(HC)

∨

»s|lex − dtrs head-spr-struc –

(HSPR)

∨

2 6 6 6 4 s|lex

1

dtrs 2 6 4 head-adj-struc adj-dtr|s ˆ l|c|h|mod 2 ˜ head-dtr|s 2 ˆ lex 1 ˜ 3 7 5 3 7 7 7 5

(HA) 18

The ID Principle (cont.)

»phrase dtrs headed-struc –

→

2 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 4 s|lex − dtrs 2 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 4 head-filler-struc filler-dtr|s »lex − loc 1 – head-dtr|s 2 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 4 loc|c 2 6 6 6 4 head »verb vform fin – val »subj

• comps

– 3 7 7 7 5 nloc " i|slash ˘

1

¯ ∪ set t|slash ˘

1

¯ # 3 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 5 3 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 5 3 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 5

(HF) 19

Partial APs via Argument Raising

Sketch of an analysis tree Stolz A

2 6 4 subj ˙

1

¸ comps ˙

3

¸ local

4

3 7 5

ist V

2 6 6 6 4 comps ˙

1

¸ ⊕ ˙

2

¸ ⊕ ˙

3

¸ arg-st *

2

2 6 4 lex + subj ˙

1

¸ comps ˙

3

¸ 3 7 5 + 3 7 7 7 5

er

1NP

auf seine Kinder

3PP

t

2A

2 6 4 lex + local

4

slash ˘

4

¯ 3 7 5

h c c c S

" comps slash ˘

4

¯ #

f h S

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SLIDE 6

Partial APs and verbal complexes

Stolz A 2 6 4 subj ˙ 1 ¸ comps ˙ 3 ¸ local 4 3 7 5 ist V " comps ˙ 1,2,3 ¸ arg-st ˙ 2 ¸ # er 1NP auf seine Kinder 3PP t 5A 2 4 lex + local 4 slash ˘ 4 ¯ 3 5 gewesen V 2 6 6 6 6 6 6 4 subj ˙ 1 ¸ comps ˙ 5 ¸ ⊕ ˙ 3 ¸ arg-st * 5 2 6 4 lex + subj ˙ 1 ¸ comps ˙ 3 ¸ 3 7 5 + 3 7 7 7 7 7 7 5

c h

2VP 2 6 6 6 4 lex + subj ˙ 1 ¸ comps ˙ 3 ¸ slash ˘ 4 ¯ 3 7 7 7 5

h c c c

S " comps slash ˘ 4 ¯ #

f h

S 21

Interaction of VP fronting and partial NPs

Sketch of an analysis tree Ein Buch

4NP

" lex − comps ˙

2

¸ #

ausleihen V

2 6 4 subj ˙

1

¸ comps ˙

4

¸ ⊕ ˙

2

¸ arg-st ˙

1,4

¸ 3 7 5

c h VP

2 6 6 6 4 lex − subj ˙

1

¸ comps ˙

2

¸ local

5

3 7 7 7 5

will V

2 6 4 comps ˙

6,3

¸ ⊕ ˙

2

¸ arg-st *

6,3

" lex + comps ˙

2

¸ # + 3 7 5

er

6NP

¨ uber Syntax

2PP

t

3VP

2 6 4 lex + local

5

slash ˘

5

¯ 3 7 5

h c c c S

" comps slash ˘

5

¯ #

f h S

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Ungrammatical topicalization of a raised PP embedded in a VP

Sketch of an analysis tree *Dar¨ uber

4PP

ausleihen V

2 6 4 subj ˙

1

¸ comps ˙

2

¸ ⊕ ˙

4

¸ arg-st ˙

1,2

¸ 3 7 5

c h VP

2 6 6 6 4 lex − subj ˙

1

¸ comps ˙

2

¸ local

5

3 7 7 7 5

will V

" comps D

6,2’

ˆ comps ˜ ,3 E arg-st ˙

6,3

¸ #

er

6NP

ein Buch

2NP

" lex − comps ˙

4

¸ #

t

3VP

2 6 4 lex + local

5

slash ˘

5

¯

h c c c S

" comps slash ˘

5

¯ #

f h S

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Summary

We presented an account for general partial constituent fronting in German. It extends the empirical coverage of previous HPSG proposals in that the analysis

• accounts for the similarities and differences between three different kinds of partial constituents:

APs, NPs, and VPs

• predicts the interaction with (P)VP fronting occurring with embedded partial constituents

Formally, it generalizes the argument raising approach by

• introducing a lexical argument raising principle as a generalization over all verbal heads, which

is

• parameterized by a relation imposing different restrictions on the argument raising sources

depending on their category.

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SLIDE 7

References

De Kuthy, K. (2001). Splitting PPs from NPs. In W. D. Meurers and T. Kiss (Eds.), Constraint- Based Approaches to Germanic Syntax, Studies in Constraint-Based Lexicalism, pp. 31–71. Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications. De Kuthy, K. and W. D. Meurers (1998). Towards a general theory of partial constituent fronting in German. In G. Bouma, G.-J. Kruijff, and R. Oehrle (Eds.), Proceedings of the Joint Conference on Formal Grammar, Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar, and Categorial Grammar (FHCG-98), Saarbr¨ ucken, pp. 113–124. Universit¨ at des Saarlandes. Fanselow, G. (1987). Konfigurationalit¨

• at. Untersuchungen zur Universalgrammatik am Beispiel

des Deutschen, Volume 29 of Studien zur deutschen Grammatik. T¨ ubingen: Gunter Narr Verlag. Haider, H. (1990). Topicalization and other puzzles of German syntax. In G. Grewendorf and

• W. Sternefeld (Eds.), Scrambling and Barriers, pp. 93–112. Amsterdam: John Benjamins

Publishing Co. Hinrichs, E. W. and T. Nakazawa (1994). Partial-VP and Split-NP topicalization in German – an HPSG analysis. In E. W. Hinrichs, W. D. Meurers, and T. Nakazawa (Eds.), Partial- VP and Split-NP Topicalization in German – An HPSG Analysis and its Implementation,

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Number 58 in Arbeitspapiere des SFB 340, pp. 1–46. T¨ ubingen: Universit¨ at T¨ ubingen. Meurers, W. D. (1999). German partial-VP topicalization revisited. In G. Webelhuth, J.-P. Koenig, and A. Kathol (Eds.), Lexical and Constructional Aspects of Linguistic Explanation, Studies in Constraint-Based Lexicalism, pp. 129–144. Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications. Published version of a paper presented at the 3rd Int. Conference on HPSG, May 1996, Marseille. M¨ uller, G. (1996). Incomplete Category Fronting. Habilitationsschrift, Universit¨ at T¨ ubingen, T¨

• ubingen. Published as SfS-Report 01–96.

M¨ uller, S. (1997). Yet another paper about partial verb phrase fronting in German. Research Report RR–97–07, DFKI, Saarbr¨

• ucken. A shorter version appeared in Proceedings of

the 16th Conference on Computational Linguistics (COLING-96). http://www.dfki.de/ ~stefan/Pub/e_pvp.html. M¨ uller, S. (1999). Deutsche Syntax deklarativ. Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar f¨ ur das

• Deutsche. Number 394 in Linguistische Arbeiten. T¨

ubingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag. Nerbonne, J. (1994). Partial verb phrases and spurious ambiguities. In J. Nerbonne, K. Netter, and C. Pollard (Eds.), German in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar, Number 46 in CSLI Lecture Notes, pp. 109–150. Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications.

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Pollard, C. (1996). On head non-movement. In H. Bunt and A. van Horck (Eds.), Discontinuous Constituency, Volume 6 of Natural Language Processing, pp. 279–305. Berlin and New York, NY: Mouton de Gruyter. Published version of a Ms. dated January 1990. Thiersch, C. (1985). VP and scrambling in the German Mittelfeld. Ms., dated 22. April 1985, Universit¨ at K¨

• ln, K¨
• ln and University of Conneticut, Storrs, CT.

Webelhuth, G. and H. Den Besten (1987). Remnant topicalization and the constituent structure of VP in the Germanic SOV languages (abstract for the 10th GLOW colloquium). In H. Bennis and J. Koster (Eds.), GLOW Newsletter Nr. 18, pp. 15–16. Dordrecht: Foris Publications.

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