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Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Stefan M - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Stefan M uller Theoretische Linguistik/Computerlinguistik Fachbereich 10 Universit at Bremen Institut f ur Linguistik


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SLIDE 1

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar

Stefan M¨ uller

Theoretische Linguistik/Computerlinguistik Fachbereich 10 Universit¨ at Bremen Institut f¨ ur Linguistik Universit¨ at Potsdam Stefan.Mueller@cl.uni-bremen.de

December 2, 2005

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SLIDE 2

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar

Course Page and Material

  • Web page with the slides and handouts of the three lectures:

http://www.cl.uni-bremen.de/˜stefan/Lehre/LTC2005/

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 1/69

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SLIDE 3

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar

Course Page and Material

  • Web page with the slides and handouts of the three lectures:

http://www.cl.uni-bremen.de/˜stefan/Lehre/LTC2005/

  • The analyses are implemented.

A CD rom image which contains the grammar development software and the grammars can be downloaded from there. If you have a writable CD we can burn it here.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 1/69

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SLIDE 4

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar

Outline

  • General Overview of the Framework
  • Valency
  • Head Argument Structures
  • Scrambling
  • Verb Placement
  • Nonlocal Dependencies
  • Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG
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SLIDE 5

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar General Overview of the Framework

General Overview of the Framework

  • lexicalized (head-driven)

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 2/69

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SLIDE 6

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar General Overview of the Framework

General Overview of the Framework

  • lexicalized (head-driven)
  • sign-based (Saussure, 1916)

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 2/69

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SLIDE 7

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar General Overview of the Framework

General Overview of the Framework

  • lexicalized (head-driven)
  • sign-based (Saussure, 1916)
  • typed feature structures (lexical entries, phrases, principles)

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 2/69

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SLIDE 8

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar General Overview of the Framework

General Overview of the Framework

  • lexicalized (head-driven)
  • sign-based (Saussure, 1916)
  • typed feature structures (lexical entries, phrases, principles)
  • multiple inheritance

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 2/69

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SLIDE 9

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar General Overview of the Framework

General Overview of the Framework

  • lexicalized (head-driven)
  • sign-based (Saussure, 1916)
  • typed feature structures (lexical entries, phrases, principles)
  • multiple inheritance
  • monostratal theory
  • Phonology
  • Syntax
  • Semantics

                   phon Grammatik synsem|loc               cat        head

  • case

1

noun

  • subcat
  • DET[case 1 ]
  • cat

       cont . . . inst X grammatik

  • loc

              word                    c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 2/69

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SLIDE 10

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar General Overview of the Framework

General Overview of the Framework

  • lexicalized (head-driven)
  • sign-based (Saussure, 1916)
  • typed feature structures (lexical entries, phrases, principles)
  • multiple inheritance
  • monostratal theory
  • Phonology
  • Syntax
  • Semantics

                   phon Grammatik synsem|loc               cat        head

  • case

1

noun

  • subcat
  • DET[case 1 ]
  • cat

       cont . . . inst X grammatik

  • loc

              word                    c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 2/69

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SLIDE 11

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar General Overview of the Framework

General Overview of the Framework

  • lexicalized (head-driven)
  • sign-based (Saussure, 1916)
  • typed feature structures (lexical entries, phrases, principles)
  • multiple inheritance
  • monostratal theory
  • Phonology
  • Syntax
  • Semantics

                   phon Grammatik synsem|loc               cat        head

  • case

1

noun

  • subcat
  • DET[case 1 ]
  • cat

       cont . . . inst X grammatik

  • loc

              word                    c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 2/69

slide-12
SLIDE 12

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar General Overview of the Framework

General Overview of the Framework

  • lexicalized (head-driven)
  • sign-based (Saussure, 1916)
  • typed feature structures (lexical entries, phrases, principles)
  • multiple inheritance
  • monostratal theory
  • Phonology
  • Syntax
  • Semantics

                   phon Grammatik synsem|loc               cat        head

  • case

1

noun

  • subcat
  • DET[case 1 ]
  • cat

       cont . . . inst X grammatik

  • loc

              word                    c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 2/69

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SLIDE 13

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Valency

Outline

  • General Overview of the Framework
  • Valency
  • Head Argument Structures
  • Scrambling
  • Verb Placement
  • Nonlocal Dependencies
  • Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG
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SLIDE 14

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Valency

Valency and Grammar Rules: PSG

  • huge number of rules:

S → NP, V X schl¨ aft (‘sleeps’) S → NP, NP, V X Y liebt (‘loves’) S → NP, PP[¨ uber], V X ¨ uber y spricht (‘talks about’) S → NP, NP, NP, V X Y Z gibt (‘gives’) S → NP, NP, PP[mit], V X Y mit Z dient (‘serves’)

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 3/69

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SLIDE 15

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Valency

Valency and Grammar Rules: PSG

  • huge number of rules:

S → NP, V X schl¨ aft (‘sleeps’) S → NP, NP, V X Y liebt (‘loves’) S → NP, PP[¨ uber], V X ¨ uber y spricht (‘talks about’) S → NP, NP, NP, V X Y Z gibt (‘gives’) S → NP, NP, PP[mit], V X Y mit Z dient (‘serves’)

  • verbs have to be used with the right rule

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 3/69

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SLIDE 16

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Valency

Valency and Grammar Rules: PSG

  • huge number of rules:

S → NP, V X schl¨ aft (‘sleeps’) S → NP, NP, V X Y liebt (‘loves’) S → NP, PP[¨ uber], V X ¨ uber y spricht (‘talks about’) S → NP, NP, NP, V X Y Z gibt (‘gives’) S → NP, NP, PP[mit], V X Y mit Z dient (‘serves’)

  • verbs have to be used with the right rule
  • → Valency is encoded twice: in grammar rules and in lexical entries

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 3/69

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SLIDE 17

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Valency

Valency and Grammar Rules: HPSG

  • arguments represented as complex categories in the lexical entry of the

head (similar to categorial grammar)

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 4/69

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SLIDE 18

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Valency

Valency and Grammar Rules: HPSG

  • arguments represented as complex categories in the lexical entry of the

head (similar to categorial grammar)

  • Verb

subcat schlafen NP lieben NP, NP sprechen NP, PP[¨ uber] geben NP, NP, NP dienen NP, NP, PP[mit]

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 4/69

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SLIDE 19

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Valency

Example Tree with Valency Information (I)

Peter schl¨ aft V[subcat 1 ]

1 NP

V[subcat ] V[subcat ] corresponds to a fully saturated phrase (VP or S)

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 5/69

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SLIDE 20

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Valency

Example Tree with Valency Information (II)

Peter Maria erwartet V[subcat 1, 2 ]

2 NP

V[subcat 1 ]

1 NP

V[subcat ]

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 6/69

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SLIDE 21

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Valency

Valency and Grammar Rules: HPSG

  • specific rules for head argument combination:

V[SUBCAT A] →

B V[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ]

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 7/69

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SLIDE 22

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Valency

Valency and Grammar Rules: HPSG

  • specific rules for head argument combination:

V[SUBCAT A] →

B V[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ]

  • ⊕ is a relation that concatenates two lists:

a, b = a ⊕ b oder ⊕ a, b oder a, b ⊕

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 7/69

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SLIDE 23

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Valency

Valency and Grammar Rules (II)

Peter Maria erwartet V[subcat 1 , 2 ]

2 NP

V[SUBCAT A ] → B V[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ] A = 1 , B = 2

V[subcat 1 ]

1 NP

V[SUBCAT A ] → B V[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ] A = , B = 1

V[subcat ]

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 8/69

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SLIDE 24

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Valency

Generalization over Rules

  • specific rules for head argument combinations:

V[SUBCAT A] →

B

V[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ] A[SUBCAT A] →

B

A[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ] N[SUBCAT A ] →

B

N[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ] P[SUBCAT A ] → P[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ]

B

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 9/69

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SLIDE 25

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Valency

Generalization over Rules

  • specific rules for head argument combinations:

V[SUBCAT A] →

B

V[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ] A[SUBCAT A] →

B

A[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ] N[SUBCAT A ] →

B

N[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ] P[SUBCAT A ] → P[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ]

B

  • abstraction with respect to the order:

V[SUBCAT A] → V[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ]

B

A[SUBCAT A] → A[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ]

B

N[SUBCAT A ] → N[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ]

B

P[SUBCAT A ] → P[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ]

B

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 9/69

slide-26
SLIDE 26

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Valency

Generalization over Rules

  • specific rules for head argument combinations:

V[SUBCAT A] →

B

V[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ] A[SUBCAT A] →

B

A[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ] N[SUBCAT A ] →

B

N[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ] P[SUBCAT A ] → P[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ]

B

  • abstraction with respect to the order:

V[SUBCAT A] → V[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ]

B

A[SUBCAT A] → A[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ]

B

N[SUBCAT A ] → N[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ]

B

P[SUBCAT A ] → P[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ]

B

  • generalized, abstract shema (H = head):

H[SUBCAT A ] → H[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ]

B

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 9/69

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SLIDE 27

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Valency

Application of the Rules

  • generalized, abstract shema (H = head):

H[SUBCAT A ] → H[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ]

B

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 10/69

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SLIDE 28

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Valency

Application of the Rules

  • generalized, abstract shema (H = head):

H[SUBCAT A ] → H[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ]

B

  • possible instanciations of the schema:

V[SUBCAT A] → V[SUBCAT A ⊕ B NP ]

B NP

Maria erwartet Peter schl¨ aft Peter

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 10/69

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SLIDE 29

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Valency

Application of the Rules

  • generalized, abstract shema (H = head):

H[SUBCAT A ] → H[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ]

B

  • possible instanciations of the schema:

V[SUBCAT A] → V[SUBCAT A ⊕ B NP ]

B NP

Maria erwartet Peter schl¨ aft Peter V[SUBCAT A] → V[SUBCAT A NP ⊕ B NP ]

B NP

erwartet Maria

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 10/69

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SLIDE 30

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Valency

Application of the Rules

  • generalized, abstract shema (H = head):

H[SUBCAT A ] → H[SUBCAT A ⊕ B ]

B

  • possible instanciations of the schema:

V[SUBCAT A] → V[SUBCAT A ⊕ B NP ]

B NP

Maria erwartet Peter schl¨ aft Peter V[SUBCAT A] → V[SUBCAT A NP ⊕ B NP ]

B NP

erwartet Maria N[SUBCAT A ] → N[SUBCAT A ⊕ B Det ]

B Det

Mann der

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 10/69

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SLIDE 31

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Valency

Representation of Valency in Feature Descriptions

gibt (‘gives’, finite form):    phon gibt part-of-speech verb subcat

  • NP[nom], NP[acc], NP[dat]

  NP[nom], NP[acc] and NP[dat] are abbreviations of complex feature descriptions.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 11/69

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SLIDE 32

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Valency

Demo: Grammar 3

(1)

  • a. der

the Mann man schl¨ aft sleeps ‘The man sleeps’

  • b. der

the Mann man die the Frau woman kennt knows ‘The man knows the woman.’

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 12/69

slide-33
SLIDE 33

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Head Argument Structures

Outline

  • General Overview of the Framework
  • Valency
  • Head Argument Structures
  • Scrambling
  • Verb Placement
  • Nonlocal Dependencies
  • Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG
slide-34
SLIDE 34

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Head Argument Structures Modelling Constituent Structure with Feature Structures

Representation of Grammar Rules (I)

  • Feature Descriptions as uniform means for describing linguistic objects
  • morphological rules
  • lexical entries
  • syntactic rules

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 13/69

slide-35
SLIDE 35

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Head Argument Structures Modelling Constituent Structure with Feature Structures

Representation of Grammar Rules (I)

  • Feature Descriptions as uniform means for describing linguistic objects
  • morphological rules
  • lexical entries
  • syntactic rules
  • separation of immediate dominance (ID) and linearer precedence (LP)

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 13/69

slide-36
SLIDE 36

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Head Argument Structures Modelling Constituent Structure with Feature Structures

Representation of Grammar Rules (I)

  • Feature Descriptions as uniform means for describing linguistic objects
  • morphological rules
  • lexical entries
  • syntactic rules
  • separation of immediate dominance (ID) and linearer precedence (LP)
  • dominance in dtr features (head daughters and non-head daughters)

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 13/69

slide-37
SLIDE 37

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Head Argument Structures Modelling Constituent Structure with Feature Structures

Representation of Grammar Rules (I)

  • Feature Descriptions as uniform means for describing linguistic objects
  • morphological rules
  • lexical entries
  • syntactic rules
  • separation of immediate dominance (ID) and linearer precedence (LP)
  • dominance in dtr features (head daughters and non-head daughters)
  • precedence is implicit in phon

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 13/69

slide-38
SLIDE 38

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Head Argument Structures Modelling Constituent Structure with Feature Structures

Part of the Structure in AVM Representation – phon values (I)

NP Det N dem Mann      phon dem Mann head-dtr

  • phon Mann
  • non-head-dtrs
  • phon dem

   

  • There is exactly one head daughter (head-dtr).

The head daughter contains the head. a structure with the daughters the and picture of Mary → picture of Mary is the head daughter, since picture is the head.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 14/69

slide-39
SLIDE 39

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Head Argument Structures Modelling Constituent Structure with Feature Structures

Part of the Structure in AVM Representation – phon values (I)

NP Det N dem Mann      phon dem Mann head-dtr

  • phon Mann
  • non-head-dtrs
  • phon dem

   

  • There is exactly one head daughter (head-dtr).

The head daughter contains the head. a structure with the daughters the and picture of Mary → picture of Mary is the head daughter, since picture is the head.

  • There may be several non-head daughters

(if we assume flat structures or in headless binary branching structures).

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 14/69

slide-40
SLIDE 40

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Head Argument Structures Modelling Constituent Structure with Feature Structures

Representation of Grammar Rules

  • Dominance Rule:

head-argument-structure →   subcat 1 head-dtr|subcat 1 ⊕ 2 non-head-dtrs 2   The arrow stands for implication

  • alternative spelling, inspired by the X Schema:

H[SUBCAT 1 ]→H[SUBCAT 1 ⊕ 2 ]

2

The arrow stands for replacement (rewriting)

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 15/69

slide-41
SLIDE 41

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Head Argument Structures Modelling Constituent Structure with Feature Structures

Representation of Grammar Rules

  • Dominance Rule:

head-argument-structure →   subcat 1 head-dtr|subcat 1 ⊕ 2 non-head-dtrs 2   The arrow stands for implication

  • alternative spelling, inspired by the X Schema:

H[SUBCAT 1 ]→H[SUBCAT 1 ⊕ 2 ]

2

The arrow stands for replacement (rewriting)

  • possible instantiations:

N[SUBCAT 1 ]→N[SUBCAT 1 ⊕ Det ] Det V[SUBCAT 1 ]→V[SUBCAT 1 ⊕ NP ] NP V[SUBCAT 1 ]→V[SUBCAT 1 NP ⊕ NP ] NP

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 15/69

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SLIDE 42

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Head Argument Structures Modelling Constituent Structure with Feature Structures

An Example

V[subcat ] C H

1 NP[nom]

V[subcat 1 ] C H

2 NP[acc]

V[subcat 1, 2 ] C H

3 NP[dat]

V[subcat 1 , 2 , 3 ] er das Buch dem Mann gibt

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 16/69

slide-43
SLIDE 43

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Head Argument Structures Modelling Constituent Structure with Feature Structures

Part of the Structure in AVM Representation – phon values (I)

V NP V NP V D N NP V D N er das Buch dem Mann gibt            phon dem Mann gibt head-dtr

  • phon gibt
  • non-head-dtrs

    phon dem Mann head-dtr

  • phon Mann
  • non-head-dtrs
  • phon dem

   

         

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 17/69

slide-44
SLIDE 44

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Head Argument Structures Modelling Constituent Structure with Feature Structures

Partial Structure in Feature Structure Representation

                     phon dem Mann gibt subcat 1 NP[nom], NP[acc]

  • head-dtr

phon gibt subcat 1 ⊕

  • 2
  • non-head-dtrs
  • 2

         phon dem Mann p-o-s noun subcat head-dtr . . . non-head-dtrs . . . head-argument-structure         

  • head-argument-structure

                    

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 19/69

slide-45
SLIDE 45

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Head Argument Structures Projection of Head Properties

Projection of Head Properties

V[fin, subcat ] C H

1 NP[nom]

V[fin, subcat 1 ] C H

2 NP[acc]

V[fin, subcat 1 , 2 ] C H

3 NP[dat]

V[fin, subcat 1, 2, 3 ] er das Buch dem Mann gibt

The finite verb is the head.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 21/69

slide-46
SLIDE 46

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Head Argument Structures Projection of Head Properties

Feature Structure Representation: the head Value

  • possible feature geometry:

     phon list of phoneme strings p-o-s p-o-s vform vform subcat list     

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 22/69

slide-47
SLIDE 47

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Head Argument Structures Projection of Head Properties

Feature Structure Representation: the head Value

  • possible feature geometry:

     phon list of phoneme strings p-o-s p-o-s vform vform subcat list     

  • more structure, bundling of information that has to be projected:

      phon list of phoneme strings head

  • p-o-s

p-o-s vform vform

  • subcat list

     

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 22/69

slide-48
SLIDE 48

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Head Argument Structures Projection of Head Properties

Different Heads Project Different Features

  • feature vform makes sense for verbs only
  • Prenominal adjectives and nouns project case.
  • Possible structure: a structure that contains all features:

   p-o-s p-o-s vform vform case case    case no value for verbs, vform no value for nouns

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 23/69

slide-49
SLIDE 49

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Head Argument Structures Projection of Head Properties

Different Heads Project Different Features

  • feature vform makes sense for verbs only
  • Prenominal adjectives and nouns project case.
  • Possible structure: a structure that contains all features:

   p-o-s p-o-s vform vform case case    case no value for verbs, vform no value for nouns

  • Better solution: different types of feature structures
  • for verbs:
  • vform vform

verb

  • for nouns:
  • case case

noun

  • c

Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 23/69

slide-50
SLIDE 50

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Head Argument Structures A Lexical Entry with Head Features

A Lexical Entry with Head Features

  • A lexical entry contains the following:

gibt: (‘gives’)            

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 24/69

slide-51
SLIDE 51

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Head Argument Structures A Lexical Entry with Head Features

A Lexical Entry with Head Features

  • A lexical entry contains the following:

gibt: (‘gives’)       phon gibt      

  • phonological information

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 24/69

slide-52
SLIDE 52

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Head Argument Structures A Lexical Entry with Head Features

A Lexical Entry with Head Features

  • A lexical entry contains the following:

gibt: (‘gives’)       phon gibt head

  • vform fin

verb

    

  • phonological information
  • head information (part of speech, verb form, . . . )

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 24/69

slide-53
SLIDE 53

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Head Argument Structures A Lexical Entry with Head Features

A Lexical Entry with Head Features

  • A lexical entry contains the following:

gibt: (‘gives’)       phon gibt head

  • vform fin

verb

  • subcat
  • NP[nom], NP[acc], NP[dat]

    

  • phonological information
  • head information (part of speech, verb form, . . . )
  • valency information: a list of descriptions of arguments

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 24/69

slide-54
SLIDE 54

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Head Argument Structures A Lexical Entry with Head Features

Head Feature Principle

In a headed structure the head features of the mother are identical to the head features of the head daughter. headed-structure →

  • head 1

head-dtr|head 1

  • c

Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 25/69

slide-55
SLIDE 55

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Head Argument Structures A Lexical Entry with Head Features

All Constraints for a Local Tree (Head-Argument)

           head

1

subcat

2

head-dtr

  • head

1

subcat

2 ⊕ 3

  • non-head-dtrs 3

head-argument-structure           

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 26/69

slide-56
SLIDE 56

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Head Argument Structures A Lexical Entry with Head Features

Partial Structure in Feature Structure Representation

                                  phon dem Mann gibt head 1 subcat 2 NP[nom], NP[acc] head-dtr         phon gibt head 1

  • vform fin

verb

  • subcat 2 ⊕ 3

word         non-head-dtrs

  • 3

            phon dem Mann head

  • cas dat

noun

  • subcat

head-dtr . . . non-head-dtrs . . . head-argument-structure            

  • head-argument-structure

                                 

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 27/69

slide-57
SLIDE 57

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Head Argument Structures A Lexical Entry with Head Features

Demo: Grammar 4

(2)

  • a. der

the Mann man schl¨ aft sleeps ‘The man sleeps’

  • b. der

the Mann man die the Frau woman kennt knows ‘The man knows the woman.’

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 28/69

slide-58
SLIDE 58

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Scrambling

Outline

  • General Overview of the Framework
  • Valency
  • Head Argument Structures
  • Scrambling
  • Verb Placement
  • Nonlocal Dependencies
  • Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG
slide-59
SLIDE 59

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Scrambling

Constituent Order

  • We will look at German,

since it is interesting in regard to its reordering possibilities.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 29/69

slide-60
SLIDE 60

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Scrambling

Constituent Order

  • We will look at German,

since it is interesting in regard to its reordering possibilities.

  • German is a SOV language, however in declarative main clauses and

questions, the verb is placed in second and first position, respectively.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 29/69

slide-61
SLIDE 61

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Scrambling

Constituent Order

  • We will look at German,

since it is interesting in regard to its reordering possibilities.

  • German is a SOV language, however in declarative main clauses and

questions, the verb is placed in second and first position, respectively.

  • How do we account for the serialization of arguments?

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 29/69

slide-62
SLIDE 62

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Scrambling

Constituent Order

  • We will look at German,

since it is interesting in regard to its reordering possibilities.

  • German is a SOV language, however in declarative main clauses and

questions, the verb is placed in second and first position, respectively.

  • How do we account for the serialization of arguments?
  • How do we account for the verb position?

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 29/69

slide-63
SLIDE 63

Scrambling Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Arguments

Relatively Free Constituent Order

  • Arguments can be serialized in almost any order:

(3)

  • a. weil

because der the Mann man der the Frau woman das the Buch book gibt gives ‘because the man gives the book to the woman’

  • b. weil der Mann das Buch der Frau gibt
  • c. weil das Buch der Mann der Frau gibt
  • d. weil das Buch der Frau der Mann gibt
  • e. weil der Frau der Mann das Buch gibt
  • f. weil der Frau das Buch der Mann gibt

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 30/69

slide-64
SLIDE 64

Scrambling Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Arguments

Relatively Free Constituent Order

  • Arguments can be serialized in almost any order:

(3)

  • a. weil

because der the Mann man der the Frau woman das the Buch book gibt gives ‘because the man gives the book to the woman’

  • b. weil der Mann das Buch der Frau gibt
  • c. weil das Buch der Mann der Frau gibt
  • d. weil das Buch der Frau der Mann gibt
  • e. weil der Frau der Mann das Buch gibt
  • f. weil der Frau das Buch der Mann gibt
  • For (3b–f) a different accenting is needed and the set of contexts in

which the sentences may be uttered is restricted in comparison to (3a) (H¨

  • hle, 1982).

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 30/69

slide-65
SLIDE 65

Scrambling Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Adjuncts

Adjuncts in the Mittelfeld

  • Apart from the arguments, adjuncts may be serialized in the Mittelfeld.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 31/69

slide-66
SLIDE 66

Scrambling Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Adjuncts

Adjuncts in the Mittelfeld

  • Apart from the arguments, adjuncts may be serialized in the Mittelfeld.
  • These can be placed at arbitrary positions between the arguments:

(4)

  • a. weil

because morgen tomorrow der the Mann man das the Buch woman der the Frau book gibt gives ‘because the man gives the book to the woman tomorrow’

  • b. weil der Mann morgen das Buch der Frau gibt
  • c. weil der Mann das Buch morgen der Frau gibt
  • d. weil der Mann das Buch der Frau morgen gibt

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 31/69

slide-67
SLIDE 67

Scrambling Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Adjuncts

Scopal Adjuncts

  • scopal adjuncts may not be reordered without changing the meaning:

(5)

  • a. weil

because er he

  • ft
  • ften

nicht not lacht laughs (sondern but weint) crys ‘because he often does not laugh’

  • b. weil

because er he nicht not

  • ft
  • ften

lacht laughs (sondern but selten seldomly lacht) laughs ‘because he does not laugh often’

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 32/69

slide-68
SLIDE 68

Scrambling Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Adjuncts

Binary Branching Structures

  • Sentences like (6) are unproblematic:

(6) weil because [der the Mann man [das the Buch book [der the Frau woman gibt]]] gives

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 33/69

slide-69
SLIDE 69

Scrambling Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Adjuncts

Binary Branching Structures

  • Sentences like (6) are unproblematic:

(6) weil because [der the Mann man [das the Buch book [der the Frau woman gibt]]] gives

  • The integration of adjuncts is easy as well:

(7)

  • a. weil [morgen [der Mann [das Buch [der Frau gibt]]]]
  • b. weil [der Mann [morgen [das Buch [der Frau gibt]]]]
  • c. weil [der Mann [das Buch [morgen [der Frau gibt]]]]
  • d. weil [der Mann [das Buch [der Frau [morgen gibt]]]]

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 33/69

slide-70
SLIDE 70

Scrambling Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Adjuncts

Binary Branching Structures

  • Sentences like (6) are unproblematic:

(6) weil because [der the Mann man [das the Buch book [der the Frau woman gibt]]] gives

  • The integration of adjuncts is easy as well:

(7)

  • a. weil [morgen [der Mann [das Buch [der Frau gibt]]]]
  • b. weil [der Mann [morgen [das Buch [der Frau gibt]]]]
  • c. weil [der Mann [das Buch [morgen [der Frau gibt]]]]
  • d. weil [der Mann [das Buch [der Frau [morgen gibt]]]]
  • The difference in meaning in (8) follows from the difference in

embedding: (8)

  • a. weil er [oft [nicht lacht]] (sondern weint)
  • b. weil er [nicht [oft lacht]] (sondern selten lacht)

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 33/69

slide-71
SLIDE 71

Scrambling Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Arguments

Permutation of Arguments in the Mittelfeld

  • Permutation of arguments is not explained yet.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 34/69

slide-72
SLIDE 72

Scrambling Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Arguments

Permutation of Arguments in the Mittelfeld

  • Permutation of arguments is not explained yet.
  • Until now we combine the head with the last element in the subcat list.

head-argument-structure →    subcat 1 head-dtr|subcat 1 ⊕ 2 non-head-dtrs 2   

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 34/69

slide-73
SLIDE 73

Scrambling Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Arguments

Permutation of Arguments in the Mittelfeld

  • Permutation of arguments is not explained yet.
  • Until now we combine the head with the last element in the subcat list.

head-argument-structure →    subcat 1 head-dtr|subcat 1 ⊕ 2 non-head-dtrs 2   

  • Generalization of the Head-Argument-Schema:

Instead of append (⊕) we use delete. delete takes one element from the list and returns the rest: del(X,[1,2,3]) has the following results: del(1,[1,2,3]) = [2,3] del(2,[1,2,3]) = [1,3] del(3,[1,2,3]) = [1,2]

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 34/69

slide-74
SLIDE 74

Scrambling Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Arguments

The Head-Argument-Schema

  • old:

head-argument-structure →    cat|subcat 1 head-dtr|cat|subcat 1 ⊕ 2 non-head-dtrs 2   

  • new:

head-argument-structure →    cat|subcat del( 1 , 2 ) head-dtr|cat|subcat 2 non-head-dtrs 1   

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 35/69

slide-75
SLIDE 75

Scrambling Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Arguments

Example: Normal Order

(9)

  • a. weil

because jeder everybody das the Buch book kennt knows

  • b. weil das Buch jeder kennt

jeder das Buch kennt

2 NP[acc]

V[subcat 1, 2 ]

1 NP[nom]

V[subcat 1 ] V[subcat ]

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 36/69

slide-76
SLIDE 76

Scrambling Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Arguments

Example: Reordering

jeder das Buch kennt

1 NP[nom] V[subcat 1, 2 ] 2 NP[acc]

V[subcat 2 ] V[subcat ] The difference is the order in which the elements in subcat get saturated.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 37/69

slide-77
SLIDE 77

Scrambling Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Arguments

Demo: Grammar 9

(10)

  • a. daß

that der the Mann man-nom der the Frau woman-dat das the Buch book-acc gibt gives

  • b. daß

that der the Mann man-nom das the Buch book-acc der the Frau woman-dat gibt gives

  • c. daß

that der the Mann man-nom der the Frau woman-dat das the Buch book-acc morgen tomorrow gibt gives

  • d. daß

that der the Mann man-nom der the Frau woman-dat morgen tomorrow das the Buch book-acc gibt gives

  • e. daß

that er he

  • ft
  • ften

nicht not lacht laughs

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 38/69

slide-78
SLIDE 78

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Verb Placement

Outline

  • General Overview of the Framework
  • Valency
  • Head Argument Structures
  • Scrambling
  • Verb Placement
  • Nonlocal Dependencies
  • Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG
slide-79
SLIDE 79

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Verb Placement

Verb Placement

kenntk er ihn [ ]k NP V NP V’ VP V V VP VP

  • A trace takes the position of the finite verb in verb initial sentences.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 39/69

slide-80
SLIDE 80

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Verb Placement

Verb Placement

kenntk er ihn [ ]k NP V NP V’ VP V V VP VP

  • A trace takes the position of the finite verb in verb initial sentences.
  • A special form of the verb is in initial position.

It selects the projection of the empty verb.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 39/69

slide-81
SLIDE 81

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Verb Placement

Verb Placement

kenntk er ihn [ ]k NP V NP V’ VP V V VP VP

  • A trace takes the position of the finite verb in verb initial sentences.
  • A special form of the verb is in initial position.

It selects the projection of the empty verb.

  • The special lexical item is licenced by a lexical rule.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 39/69

slide-82
SLIDE 82

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Verb Placement

Verb Placement

kenntk er ihn [ ]k NP V / /V NP V’/ /V VP/ /V V V VP/ /V VP

  • A trace takes the position of the finite verb in verb initial sentences.
  • A special form of the verb is in initial position.

It selects the projection of the empty verb.

  • The special lexical item is licenced by a lexical rule.
  • Connection between verb and trace is established by percolation.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 39/69

slide-83
SLIDE 83

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Verb Placement

Demo: Grammar 9

(11) Gibt gives der the Mann man-nom der the Frau woman-dat das the Buch. book-acc

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 40/69

slide-84
SLIDE 84

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies

Outline

  • General Overview of the Framework
  • Valency
  • Head Argument Structures
  • Scrambling
  • Verb Placement
  • Nonlocal Dependencies
  • Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG
slide-85
SLIDE 85

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies

Overview: Fronting

das Buchi kenntk jeder [ ]i [ ]k NP V NP V’ VP V V NP VP VP

  • As in the analysis of verb movment: trace in the “base position”.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 41/69

slide-86
SLIDE 86

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies

Overview: Fronting

das Buchi kenntk jeder [ ]i [ ]k NP/NP V NP V’/NP VP/NP V V NP VP/NP VP

  • As in the analysis of verb movment: trace in the “base position”.
  • Percolation of information through the tree

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 41/69

slide-87
SLIDE 87

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies

Overview: Fronting

das Buchi kenntk jeder [ ]i [ ]k NP/NP V NP V’/NP VP/NP V V NP VP/NP VP

  • As in the analysis of verb movment: trace in the “base position”.
  • Percolation of information through the tree
  • constituent movement is not local, but verb movement is

We use two features to model the two kinds of movement (slash vs. dsl)

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 41/69

slide-88
SLIDE 88

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies Propoerties of the Analysis

Propoerties of the Analysis

  • percolation of non-local information

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 42/69

slide-89
SLIDE 89

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies Propoerties of the Analysis

Propoerties of the Analysis

  • percolation of non-local information
  • structure sharing

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 42/69

slide-90
SLIDE 90

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies Propoerties of the Analysis

Propoerties of the Analysis

  • percolation of non-local information
  • structure sharing
  • Information is simultaneously present at every node in the extraction

path.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 42/69

slide-91
SLIDE 91

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies Propoerties of the Analysis

Propoerties of the Analysis

  • percolation of non-local information
  • structure sharing
  • Information is simultaneously present at every node in the extraction

path.

  • Nodes in the middle of an unbounded dependncy may access this

information (Bouma, Malouf and Sag (2001): Irish, Chamorro, Palauan, Icelandic, Kikuyu, Ewe, Thompson Salish, Moore, French, Spanish, and Yiddish)

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 42/69

slide-92
SLIDE 92

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies Data Structure: Local and Non-Local Information

Data Structure: Local and Non-Local Information

HPSG devides the information into such that is locally relevant (local) and information that plays a role in long distance dependencies (nonlocal)                phon list of phoneme strings loc         cat    head head subcat list of synsem objects cat    cont cont loc         nonloc nonloc sign               

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 43/69

slide-93
SLIDE 93

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies Data Structure: Local and Non-Local Information

Data Structure for Non-Local Information

  • The nonloc value has internal structure:

     que list of npros nonloc     

  • que: list of indices of question words (interrogative clauses)

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 44/69

slide-94
SLIDE 94

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies Data Structure: Local and Non-Local Information

Data Structure for Non-Local Information

  • The nonloc value has internal structure:

     que list of npros rel list of indices nonloc     

  • que: list of indices of question words (interrogative clauses)
  • rel: list of indices of relative pronouns (relative clauses)

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 44/69

slide-95
SLIDE 95

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies Data Structure: Local and Non-Local Information

Data Structure for Non-Local Information

  • The nonloc value has internal structure:

     que list of npros rel list of indices slash list of local structures nonloc     

  • que: list of indices of question words (interrogative clauses)
  • rel: list of indices of relative pronouns (relative clauses)
  • slash: list of local objects (fronting, relative and interrogative

sentences)

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 44/69

slide-96
SLIDE 96

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies The Trace of the Accusative Object

The Trace of the Accusative Object of kennen (‘know’)

             phon

  • loc

1

   cat    head

  • cas acc

noun

  • subcat

       nonloc

  • slash 1
  • word

            

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 45/69

slide-97
SLIDE 97

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies The Trace of the Accusative Object

The Trace of the Accusative Object of kennen (‘know’)

             phon

  • loc

1

   cat    head

  • cas acc

noun

  • subcat

       nonloc

  • slash 1
  • word

            

  • The trace does not contribute phonologically.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 45/69

slide-98
SLIDE 98

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies The Trace of the Accusative Object

The Trace of the Accusative Object of kennen (‘know’)

             phon

  • loc

1

   cat    head

  • cas acc

noun

  • subcat

       nonloc

  • slash 1
  • word

            

  • The trace does not contribute phonologically.
  • The trace has the local properties that kennen (‘know’) requires.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 45/69

slide-99
SLIDE 99

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies The Trace of the Accusative Object

The Trace of the Accusative Object of kennen (‘know’)

             phon

  • loc

1

   cat    head

  • cas acc

noun

  • subcat

       nonloc

  • slash 1
  • word

            

  • The trace does not contribute phonologically.
  • The trace has the local properties that kennen (‘know’) requires.
  • This information is also introduced into slash.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 45/69

slide-100
SLIDE 100

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies Percolation of Non-Local Information

Percolation of Non-Local Information (simplified → wrong verb placement!)

V[subcat F H NP 1 [acc] V[subcat H C V[subcat 2

2 NP[nom]

H C V[subcat 2, 3

3 NP[acc]

das Buch kennt jeder

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 46/69

slide-101
SLIDE 101

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies Percolation of Non-Local Information

Percolation of Non-Local Information (simplified → wrong verb placement!)

V[subcat , slash ] F H NP 1 [acc] V[subcat , slash 1 ] H C V[subcat 2 , slash 1 ]

2 NP[nom]

H C V[subcat 2, 3 , slash ]

3 [loc 1,

slash 1 ] das Buch kennt jeder

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 46/69

slide-102
SLIDE 102

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies Percolation of Non-Local Information

Percolation of Non-Local Information (simplified → wrong verb placement!)

V[subcat , slash ] F H NP 1 [acc] V[subcat , slash 1 ] H C V[subcat 2 , slash 1 ]

2 NP[nom]

H C V[subcat 2, 3 , slash ]

3 [loc 1,

slash 1 ] das Buch kennt jeder

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 46/69

slide-103
SLIDE 103

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies The Head Filler Schema

The Head Filler Schema

head-filler-structure →                nonloc|slash

  • head-dtr

       loc|cat      head   vform fin initial + verb   subcat                           

  • Head daughter is a finite clause with verb in inital position (initial+)

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 47/69

slide-104
SLIDE 104

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies The Head Filler Schema

The Head Filler Schema

head-filler-structure →                nonloc|slash

  • head-dtr

       loc|cat      head   vform fin initial + verb   subcat      nonloc|slash 1                      

  • Head daughter is a finite clause with verb in inital position (initial+) and
  • ne element in slash

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 47/69

slide-105
SLIDE 105

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies The Head Filler Schema

The Head Filler Schema

head-filler-structure →                nonloc|slash

  • head-dtr

       loc|cat      head   vform fin initial + verb   subcat      nonloc|slash 1        non-head-dtrs loc 1

             

  • Head daughter is a finite clause with verb in inital position (initial+) and
  • ne element in slash
  • The local value of the non-head is identical to the element in slash.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 47/69

slide-106
SLIDE 106

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies The Head Filler Schema

The Head Filler Schema

head-filler-structure →                nonloc|slash

  • head-dtr

       loc|cat      head   vform fin initial + verb   subcat      nonloc|slash 1        non-head-dtrs loc 1 nonloc|slash

             

  • Head daughter is a finite clause with verb in inital position (initial+) and
  • ne element in slash
  • The local value of the non-head is identical to the element in slash.
  • Nothing may be extracted from the non-head daughter.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 47/69

slide-107
SLIDE 107

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies The Extraction Trace

The Extraction Trace

       phon

  • loc

1

nonloc

  • slash 1
  • word

      

  • This is an abstraction over all possible instantiations of traces.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 48/69

slide-108
SLIDE 108

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies The Extraction Trace

The Extraction Trace

       phon

  • loc

1

nonloc

  • slash 1
  • word

      

  • This is an abstraction over all possible instantiations of traces.
  • We do not have to restrict the local value of the trace,

since the verb imposes enough restrictions on the local values of its arguments.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 48/69

slide-109
SLIDE 109

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies Extraction + Verb Movement

Extraction + Verb Movement

V[subcat , slash ] F H NP 1 [acc] V[subcat , slash 1 ] H C V[subcat 2 ]

2 V[subcat , slash 1 ]

V1-LR C H V[subcat 3 , 4 ]

3 NP[nom]

V[subcat 3 , slash 1 ] C H

4 [loc 1 ,

slash 1 ] V[subcat 3 , 4 ] das Buch kennt jeder − − c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 49/69

slide-110
SLIDE 110

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Nonlocal Dependencies Extraction + Verb Movement

Demo: Grammar 9

(12) Der the Mann man-nom gibt gives der the Frau woman-dat das the Buch. book-acc

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 50/69

slide-111
SLIDE 111

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG

Outline

  • General Overview of the Framework
  • Valency
  • Head Argument Structures
  • Scrambling
  • Verb Placement
  • Nonlocal Dependencies
  • Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG
slide-112
SLIDE 112

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG

Alternative HPSG Proposals

  • The following alternatives were suggested:
  • flat structures

(Uszkoreit, 1987; Pollard, 1996; Kasper, 1994)

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 51/69

slide-113
SLIDE 113

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG

Alternative HPSG Proposals

  • The following alternatives were suggested:
  • flat structures

(Uszkoreit, 1987; Pollard, 1996; Kasper, 1994)

  • lienarization proposals

(Reape, 1994; Kathol, 1995, 2000; Kathol and Pollard, 1995; M¨ uller, 1995, 1999, 2002)

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 51/69

slide-114
SLIDE 114

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG

Alternative HPSG Proposals

  • The following alternatives were suggested:
  • flat structures

(Uszkoreit, 1987; Pollard, 1996; Kasper, 1994)

  • lienarization proposals

(Reape, 1994; Kathol, 1995, 2000; Kathol and Pollard, 1995; M¨ uller, 1995, 1999, 2002)

  • variable branching

(Crysmann, 2003b; Kiss and Wesche, 1991; Schmidt, Rieder and Theofilidis, 1996).

  • Some proposals are really influential in the framework:

Reape, 1991, 1992, 1994; Pollard, Kasper and Levine, 1992, 1994; Kathol and Pollard, 1995; Kathol, 1995, 2000; M¨ uller, 1995, 1997, 1999, 2002; Richter and Sailer, 1999; Donohue and Sag, 1999; Penn, 1999; Crysmann, 2001, 2002, 2003a; Beavers and Sag, 2004

  • Therefore it is necessary to discuss them here.

For a detailed discussion see M¨ uller, 2004, 2005a,b.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 51/69

slide-115
SLIDE 115

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Flat Structures and Free Linearization of the Verb

Flat Structures

V[fin, subcat ]

1 NP[nom] 3 NP[dat] 2 NP[acc]

V[fin, subcat 1 , 2 , 3 ] der Mann der Frau das Buch gibt

  • Complements are daughters in the same local tree →

All permutations are allowed.

  • Verb initial and verb final orders are just alternative ordering possibilities.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 52/69

slide-116
SLIDE 116

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Flat Structures and Free Linearization of the Verb

Problemes with Flat Structures: Adjuncts

  • Netter (1992):

Integration of adjuncts is difficult because of meaning composition

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 53/69

slide-117
SLIDE 117

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Flat Structures and Free Linearization of the Verb

Problemes with Flat Structures: Adjuncts

  • Netter (1992):

Integration of adjuncts is difficult because of meaning composition

  • Kasper (1994) develops solution that relies on complex relational

constraints that walk to the list of daughters and compute the adjunct meaning.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 53/69

slide-118
SLIDE 118

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Flat Structures and Free Linearization of the Verb

Problemes with Flat Structures: Adjuncts

  • Netter (1992):

Integration of adjuncts is difficult because of meaning composition

  • Kasper (1994) develops solution that relies on complex relational

constraints that walk to the list of daughters and compute the adjunct meaning.

  • Relational constraints are very powerful!

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 53/69

slide-119
SLIDE 119

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Flat Structures and Free Linearization of the Verb

Problemes with Flat Structures: Adjuncts

  • Netter (1992):

Integration of adjuncts is difficult because of meaning composition

  • Kasper (1994) develops solution that relies on complex relational

constraints that walk to the list of daughters and compute the adjunct meaning.

  • Relational constraints are very powerful!
  • Approaches that do without them have to be preferred.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 53/69

slide-120
SLIDE 120

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Flat Structures and Free Linearization of the Verb

Problems with Flat Structures: Multiple Frontings

Sentences like (13) can be explained with an empty head: (13) a. [Nichts] nothing [mit with derartigen those.kinds.of Entstehungstheorien] creation.theories hat has es it nat¨ urlich

  • f.course

zu to tun, do wenn when . . . 1 ‘Of course it has nothing to do with that kind of creation theory when . . . ’

  • b. [Zum

to.the zweiten second Mal] time [die the Weltmeisterschaft] world.championship errang won Clark Clark 1965 1965 . . . 2 ‘Clark won the world championships for the second time in 1965.’ No satisfying explanation without empty head.

  • 1K. Fleischmann, Verbstellung und Relieftheorie, M¨

unchen, 1973, p. 72. quoted from (van de Velde, 1978, p. 135).

2(Beneˇ

s, 1971, p. 162)

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 54/69

slide-121
SLIDE 121

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Binary Branching Structures and Linearization Domains

Linearization Domains and Discontinuous Constituents

V[fin, subcat ] C H

1 NP[nom]

V[fin, subcat

1 ]

C H

2 NP[acc]

V[fin, subcat

1 , 2 ]

C H

3 NP[dat]

V[fin, subcat

1 , 2 , 3 ]

der Mann das Buch der Frau gibt

  • blue nodes are inserted into a list: the linearization domain

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 56/69

slide-122
SLIDE 122

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Binary Branching Structures and Linearization Domains

Linearization Domains and Discontinuous Constituents

V[fin, subcat ] C H

1 NP[nom]

V[fin, subcat

1 ]

C H

2 NP[acc]

V[fin, subcat

1 , 2 ]

C H

3 NP[dat]

V[fin, subcat

1 , 2 , 3 ]

der Mann das Buch der Frau gibt

  • blue nodes are inserted into a list: the linearization domain
  • The permutation of elements in such domains is restricted by linearization rules

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 56/69

slide-123
SLIDE 123

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Binary Branching Structures and Linearization Domains

Linearization Domains and Discontinuous Constituents

V[fin, subcat ] C H

1 NP[nom]

V[fin, subcat

1 ]

C H

2 NP[acc]

V[fin, subcat

1 , 2 ]

C H

3 NP[dat]

V[fin, subcat

1 , 2 , 3 ]

der Mann das Buch der Frau gibt

  • blue nodes are inserted into a list: the linearization domain
  • The permutation of elements in such domains is restricted by linearization rules
  • Linearization domains are head domains ↔ Scrambling is local

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 56/69

slide-124
SLIDE 124

Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Binary Branching Structures and Linearization Domains Representation of Lexical Heads

Representation of Lexical Heads

            phon

1

synsem

2

dom

    phon

1

synsem

2

dom

  • word

    

  • word

           

  • Every head contains a description of it in its constituent order domain.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 57/69

slide-125
SLIDE 125

Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Binary Branching Structures and Linearization Domains Representation of Lexical Heads

Representation of Lexical Heads

            phon

1

synsem

2

dom

    phon

1

synsem

2

dom

  • word

    

  • word

           

  • Every head contains a description of it in its constituent order domain.
  • Adjunct and complement daughters are inserted into this list and are
  • rdered relative to the head.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 57/69

slide-126
SLIDE 126

Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Binary Branching Structures and Linearization Domains Domain Formation

Domain Formation

  • All non-head daughters are inserted into the domain of the head:

  head-dtr|dom

1

non-head-dtrs

2

dom

1 2

 

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 58/69

slide-127
SLIDE 127

Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Binary Branching Structures and Linearization Domains Domain Formation

Domain Formation

  • All non-head daughters are inserted into the domain of the head:

  head-dtr|dom

1

non-head-dtrs

2

dom

1 2

 

  • Domain elements can be ordered freely provided no LP constraint is violated.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 58/69

slide-128
SLIDE 128

Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Binary Branching Structures and Linearization Domains Domain Formation

Domain Formation

  • All non-head daughters are inserted into the domain of the head:

  head-dtr|dom

1

non-head-dtrs

2

dom

1 2

 

  • Domain elements can be ordered freely provided no LP constraint is violated.
  • The shuffle relation holds between three lists A, B, and C, iff C contains all

elements of A and B and the order of the elements in A and the order of the elements in B is preserved in C. a, b c, d = a, b, c, d ∨ a, c, b, d ∨ a, c, d, b ∨ c, a, b, d ∨ c, a, d, b ∨ c, d, a, b

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 58/69

slide-129
SLIDE 129

Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Binary Branching Structures and Linearization Domains PHON Computation

phon Computation

  • Domain elements are ordered in surface order.
  • → computation of the phon value is simple concatenation

        phon

1 ⊕ . . . ⊕ n

dom

  • phon

1

sign

  • , . . . ,
  • phon

n

sign

  • phrase

       

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 59/69

slide-130
SLIDE 130

Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Examples Continuous Constituents

Continuous Constituents

V[fin, subcat , dom der Mann, das Buch, der Frau, gibt ] C H

1 NP[nom]

V[fin, subcat 1 , dom das Buch, der Frau, gibt ] C H

2 NP[acc]

V[fin, subcat 1 , 2 , dom der Frau, gibt ] C H

3 NP[dat]

V[fin, subcat 1 , 2 , 3 , dom gibt ] der Mann das Buch der Frau gibt

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 60/69

slide-131
SLIDE 131

Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Examples Discontinuous Constituents / Order in the Mittelfeld

Discontinuous Constituents / Order in the Mittelfeld

V[fin, subcat , dom der Mann, der Frau, das Buch, gibt ] C H

1 NP[nom]

V[fin, subcat 1 , dom der Frau, das Buch, gibt ] C H

2 NP[acc]

V[fin, subcat 1 , 2 , dom der Frau, gibt ] C H

3 NP[dat]

V[fin, subcat 1 , 2 , 3 , dom gibt ] der Mann das Buch der Frau gibt

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 61/69

slide-132
SLIDE 132

Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Examples Discontinuous Constituents / Verb Position

Discontinuous Constituents / Verb Position

V[fin, subcat , dom gibt, der Mann, das Buch, der Frau ] C H

1 NP[nom]

V[fin, subcat 1 , dom gibt, das Buch, der Frau ] C H

2 NP[acc]

V[fin, subcat 1 , 2 , dom gibt, der Frau ] C H

3 NP[dat]

V[fin, subcat 1 , 2 , 3 , dom gibt ] der Mann das Buch der Frau gibt

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 62/69

slide-133
SLIDE 133

Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Examples Verb Position with Constituents in Surface Order

Verb Position with Constituents in Surface Order

V[fin, subcat , dom gibt, der Mann, das Buch, der Frau ] H C V[fin, subcat 1 , dom gibt, das Buch, der Frau ] H C V[fin, subcat 1, 2 , dom gibt, der Frau ] H C V[fin, subcat 1, 2, 3 , dom gibt ]

1 NP[nom] 2 NP[acc] 3 NP[dat]

gibt der Mann das Buch der Frau c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 63/69

slide-134
SLIDE 134

Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Examples A Remark

A Remark

  • The dominance structures of all the sentences in (14) are identical:

(14)

  • a. der

the Mann man der the Frau woman das the Buch book gibt. gives

  • b. der

the Mann man das the Buch book der the Frau woman gibt. gives

  • c. Gibt

gives der the Mann man das the Buch book der the Frau. woman

  • It is only the order in the constituent domains that differs.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 64/69

slide-135
SLIDE 135

Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Examples A Remark

A Remark

  • The dominance structures of all the sentences in (14) are identical:

(14)

  • a. der

the Mann man der the Frau woman das the Buch book gibt. gives

  • b. der

the Mann man das the Buch book der the Frau woman gibt. gives

  • c. Gibt

gives der the Mann man das the Buch book der the Frau. woman

  • It is only the order in the constituent domains that differs.
  • Demo!

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 64/69

slide-136
SLIDE 136

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Problems of Linearization Approaches

Problems of Linearization Approaches

  • These approaches have the same disadvantage as the ones that assume

flat structures: It is impossible to explain the multiple fronting data.

5taz, 01.03.2002, S. 8. c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 65/69

slide-137
SLIDE 137

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Problems of Linearization Approaches

Problems of Linearization Approaches

  • These approaches have the same disadvantage as the ones that assume

flat structures: It is impossible to explain the multiple fronting data.

  • Topological field models fail, since multiple frontings require a new

Mittelfeld, right sentence bracket, and Nachfeld embedded in the Vorfeld.

(15)

  • a. [VF [MF Den Atem] [RS an]] hielt die ganze Judenheit.3
  • b. [VF [MF Wieder] [RS an]] treten auch die beiden Sozialdemokraten.4
  • c. [VF [RS Los]

part [NF damit]] there.with geht went es it schon already am at.the 15. 15 April.5 April ‘It already started on April the 15th.’

See M¨ uller To Appear; In Preparation

3Lion Feuchtwanger, Jud S¨

uß, p. 276, quoted from Grubaˇ ci´ c, 1965, p. 56.

4taz, bremen, 24.05.2004, S. 21

5taz, 01.03.2002, S. 8. c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 65/69

slide-138
SLIDE 138

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Problems of Linearization Approaches

Problems of Linearization Approaches: Incomplete Category Fronting

  • Impossible to explain why both dative objects and accusative objects can be fronted

with the verb: (16) a. Den the W¨ ahlern voters-dat erz¨ ahlen tell sollte should man

  • ne-nom

diese these Geschichte stories-acc nicht. not

  • b. M¨

archen fairy.tales-acc erz¨ ahlen tell sollte should man

  • ne-nom

den the W¨ ahlern voters-dat nicht. not

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 66/69

slide-139
SLIDE 139

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Problems of Linearization Approaches

Problems of Linearization Approaches: Incomplete Category Fronting

  • Impossible to explain why both dative objects and accusative objects can be fronted

with the verb: (16) a. Den the W¨ ahlern voters-dat erz¨ ahlen tell sollte should man

  • ne-nom

diese these Geschichte stories-acc nicht. not

  • b. M¨

archen fairy.tales-acc erz¨ ahlen tell sollte should man

  • ne-nom

den the W¨ ahlern voters-dat nicht. not

  • The arguments of a head are combined with it in a fixed order,

since the order of saturation is independend of the surface order of the arguments.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 66/69

slide-140
SLIDE 140

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Problems of Linearization Approaches

Problems of Linearization Approaches: Incomplete Category Fronting

  • Impossible to explain why both dative objects and accusative objects can be fronted

with the verb: (16) a. Den the W¨ ahlern voters-dat erz¨ ahlen tell sollte should man

  • ne-nom

diese these Geschichte stories-acc nicht. not

  • b. M¨

archen fairy.tales-acc erz¨ ahlen tell sollte should man

  • ne-nom

den the W¨ ahlern voters-dat nicht. not

  • The arguments of a head are combined with it in a fixed order,

since the order of saturation is independend of the surface order of the arguments.

  • with subcat list NP[nom], NP[acc], NP[dat] we can analyze (16a) only

no analysis for (16b) since M¨ archen can be combined with erz¨ ahlen only after combination with the dative object.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 66/69

slide-141
SLIDE 141

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Problems of Linearization Approaches

Problems of Linearization Approaches: Incomplete Category Fronting

  • Impossible to explain why both dative objects and accusative objects can be fronted

with the verb: (16) a. Den the W¨ ahlern voters-dat erz¨ ahlen tell sollte should man

  • ne-nom

diese these Geschichte stories-acc nicht. not

  • b. M¨

archen fairy.tales-acc erz¨ ahlen tell sollte should man

  • ne-nom

den the W¨ ahlern voters-dat nicht. not

  • The arguments of a head are combined with it in a fixed order,

since the order of saturation is independend of the surface order of the arguments.

  • with subcat list NP[nom], NP[acc], NP[dat] we can analyze (16a) only

no analysis for (16b) since M¨ archen can be combined with erz¨ ahlen only after combination with the dative object.

  • Kathol (2000): no order for objects in the subcat list

Sentences in (16) can be analyzed, but we had spurious ambiguities for (17): (17) daß that er he-nom den the W¨ ahlern voters-dat M¨ archen fairy.tales-acc erz¨ ahlt tells

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 66/69

slide-142
SLIDE 142

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Problems of Linearization Approaches

Incomplete Category Fronting

  • The sentences in (18) are unproblematic for our proposal:

(18)

  • a. Den

the W¨ ahlern voters-dat erz¨ ahlen tell sollte should man

  • ne-nom

diese these Geschichte stories-acc nicht. not

  • b. M¨

archen fairy.tales-acc erz¨ ahlen tell sollte should man

  • ne-nom

den the W¨ ahlern voters-dat nicht. not The head argument schema allows the combination of head and argument in any

  • rder.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 67/69

slide-143
SLIDE 143

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Problems of Linearization Approaches

Incomplete Category Fronting

  • The sentences in (18) are unproblematic for our proposal:

(18)

  • a. Den

the W¨ ahlern voters-dat erz¨ ahlen tell sollte should man

  • ne-nom

diese these Geschichte stories-acc nicht. not

  • b. M¨

archen fairy.tales-acc erz¨ ahlen tell sollte should man

  • ne-nom

den the W¨ ahlern voters-dat nicht. not The head argument schema allows the combination of head and argument in any

  • rder.
  • Note regarding GB: If we want to account for ICF as remnant movement

(Webelhuth and den Besten, 1987; Thiersch, 1986), we get problems with unbound traces in the Vorfeld. Appart from this there are empirical problems: Haider, 1993; De Kuthy, 2002; De Kuthy and Meurers, 2001; Fanselow, 2002

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 67/69

slide-144
SLIDE 144

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG Variable Branching

Variable Branching

  • Crysmann (2003b), Kiss and Wesche (1991) und Schmidt et al. (1996)

Variable Branching: (19)

  • a. [[[Gibt

gives er] he dem the Mann] man das the Buch]? book ‘Does he give the man the book?’

  • b. [Hat

has [er he [dem the Mann man [das the Buch book gegeben]]]]? given

  • no empty head
  • no explanation for appearently multiple frontings

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 68/69

slide-145
SLIDE 145

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Summary

Summary and Comparison

  • Subjects are selected like other arguments.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 69/69

slide-146
SLIDE 146

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Summary

Summary and Comparison

  • Subjects are selected like other arguments.
  • Scrambling is not analyzed as movement.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 69/69

slide-147
SLIDE 147

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Summary

Summary and Comparison

  • Subjects are selected like other arguments.
  • Scrambling is not analyzed as movement.
  • No functional projections as landing sites

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 69/69

slide-148
SLIDE 148

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Summary

Summary and Comparison

  • Subjects are selected like other arguments.
  • Scrambling is not analyzed as movement.
  • No functional projections as landing sites
  • Properties of objects are modelled directly not via tree positions

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 69/69

slide-149
SLIDE 149

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Summary

Summary and Comparison

  • Subjects are selected like other arguments.
  • Scrambling is not analyzed as movement.
  • No functional projections as landing sites
  • Properties of objects are modelled directly not via tree positions
  • More surface-oriented

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 69/69

slide-150
SLIDE 150

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Summary

Summary and Comparison

  • Subjects are selected like other arguments.
  • Scrambling is not analyzed as movement.
  • No functional projections as landing sites
  • Properties of objects are modelled directly not via tree positions
  • More surface-oriented
  • Verb position is analyzed similar to standard GB:

CP/IP system, but without inflectional head. Inflection is done lexically.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 69/69

slide-151
SLIDE 151

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Summary

Summary and Comparison

  • Subjects are selected like other arguments.
  • Scrambling is not analyzed as movement.
  • No functional projections as landing sites
  • Properties of objects are modelled directly not via tree positions
  • More surface-oriented
  • Verb position is analyzed similar to standard GB:

CP/IP system, but without inflectional head. Inflection is done lexically.

  • Nonlocal dependencies are registered locally →

morphological effects can be accounted for.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 69/69

slide-152
SLIDE 152

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Summary

Summary and Comparison

  • Subjects are selected like other arguments.
  • Scrambling is not analyzed as movement.
  • No functional projections as landing sites
  • Properties of objects are modelled directly not via tree positions
  • More surface-oriented
  • Verb position is analyzed similar to standard GB:

CP/IP system, but without inflectional head. Inflection is done lexically.

  • Nonlocal dependencies are registered locally →

morphological effects can be accounted for.

  • Only one representational level.

No PF, no LF, no DS, just SS, valency (order information), and traces or equivalent mechanisms for reconstruction.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 69/69

slide-153
SLIDE 153

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Summary

Summary and Comparison

  • Subjects are selected like other arguments.
  • Scrambling is not analyzed as movement.
  • No functional projections as landing sites
  • Properties of objects are modelled directly not via tree positions
  • More surface-oriented
  • Verb position is analyzed similar to standard GB:

CP/IP system, but without inflectional head. Inflection is done lexically.

  • Nonlocal dependencies are registered locally →

morphological effects can be accounted for.

  • Only one representational level.

No PF, no LF, no DS, just SS, valency (order information), and traces or equivalent mechanisms for reconstruction.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 69/69

slide-154
SLIDE 154

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Summary

Summary and Comparison

  • Subjects are selected like other arguments.
  • Scrambling is not analyzed as movement.
  • No functional projections as landing sites
  • Properties of objects are modelled directly not via tree positions
  • More surface-oriented
  • Verb position is analyzed similar to standard GB:

CP/IP system, but without inflectional head. Inflection is done lexically.

  • Nonlocal dependencies are registered locally →

morphological effects can be accounted for.

  • Only one representational level.

No PF, no LF, no DS, just SS, valency (order information), and traces or equivalent mechanisms for reconstruction.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 69/69

slide-155
SLIDE 155

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Summary

Summary and Comparison

  • Subjects are selected like other arguments.
  • Scrambling is not analyzed as movement.
  • No functional projections as landing sites
  • Properties of objects are modelled directly not via tree positions
  • More surface-oriented
  • Verb position is analyzed similar to standard GB:

CP/IP system, but without inflectional head. Inflection is done lexically.

  • Nonlocal dependencies are registered locally →

morphological effects can be accounted for.

  • Only one representational level.

No PF, no LF, no DS, just SS, valency (order information), and traces or equivalent mechanisms for reconstruction.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 69/69

slide-156
SLIDE 156

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar

Is Movement Needed for Scope?

No! On the contrary: Kiss, 2001 showed that Frey’s treatment of quantifiers (1993) yields spurious ambiguities.

c Stefan M¨ uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨ at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 70/69

slide-157
SLIDE 157

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar References Beavers, John and Sag, Ivan A. 2004. Coordinate Ellipsis and Apparent Non-Constituent Coordination. In Stefan M¨ uller (ed.), Proceedings of the HPSG-2004 Conference, Center for Computational Linguistics, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, pages 48–69, Stanford: CSLI Publications, http://cslipublications.stanford.edu/HPSG/5/. 29.10.2004. Beneˇ s, Eduard. 1971. Die Besetzung der ersten Position im deutschen Aussagesatz. In Hugo Moser (ed.), Fragen der strukturellen Syntax und der kontrastiven Grammatik, pages 160–182, D¨ usseldorf: Schwann. Bouma, Gosse, Malouf, Rob and Sag, Ivan A. 2001. Satisfying Constraints on Extraction and Adjunction. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 19(1), 1–65, ftp://csli-ftp.stanford.edu/linguistics/sag/bms-nllt.ps. 18.08.2002. Crysmann, Berthold. 2001. Clitics and Coordination in Linear

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ucken: Deutsches Forschungszentrum f¨ ur K¨ unstliche Intelligenz und Universit¨ at des Saarlandes. Crysmann, Berthold. 2003a. An Asymmetric Theory of Peripheral Sharing in HPSG: Conjunction Reduction and Coordination of Unlikes. In Gerhard J¨ ager, Paola Monachesi, Gerald Penn and Shuly Wintner (eds.), Proceedings of Formal Grammar 2003, Vienna, Austria, pages 47–62. Crysmann, Berthold. 2003b. On the Efficient Implementation

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ubingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, http://www.cl.uni-bremen.de/˜stefan/Pub/hpsg.html. 02.12.2005. M¨ uller, Stefan. 2002. Complex Predicates: Verbal Complexes, Resultative Constructions, and Particle Verbs in German. Studies in Constraint-Based Lexicalism, No. 13, Stanford: CSLI Publications, http://www.cl.uni-bremen.de/˜stefan/Pub/complex.html. 02.12.2005. M¨ uller, Stefan. 2004. Continuous or Discontinuous Constituents? A Comparison between Syntactic Analyses for Constituent Order and Their Processing Systems. Research on Language and Computation, Special Issue on Linguistic Theory and Grammar Implementation 2(2), 209–257, http://www.cl.uni-bremen.de/˜stefan/Pub/discont.html. 02.12.2005. M¨ uller, Stefan. 2005a. Zur Analyse der deutschen

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http://www.cl.uni-bremen.de/˜stefan/Pub/mehr-vf-lb.html. 02.12.2005. M¨ uller, Stefan. In Preparation. Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar: Eine Einf¨ uhrung. http://www.cl.uni-bremen.de/˜stefan/Pub/hpsg-lehrbuch.htm 02.12.2005. M¨ uller, Stefan. To Appear. Elliptical Constructions, Multiple Frontings, and Surface-Based Syntax. In Gerhard J¨ ager, Paola Monachesi, Gerald Penn and Shuly Winter (eds.), Proceedings of Formal Grammar 2004, Nancy, Stanford: CSLI Publications, http://www.cl.uni-bremen.de/˜stefan/Pub/surface.html. 02.12.2005. Nerbonne, John, Netter, Klaus and Pollard, Carl J. (eds.).

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CSLI Lecture Notes, No. 46, Stanford: CSLI Publications. Netter, Klaus. 1992. On Non-Head Non-Movement. An HPSG

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Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar References Webelhuth, Gert and den Besten, Hans. 1987. Remnant Topicalization and the Constituent Structure of VP in the Germanic SOV Languages. Paper presented at GLOW.