Onset voicing and tonal distribution in the Taiwanese lexicon - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

Introduction Method Results Discussion Onset voicing and tonal distribution in the Taiwanese lexicon Sheng-Fu Wang ( 王聖富 ) New York University NACCL-29 June 18, 2017 Onset voicing and tones Sheng-Fu Wang ( 王聖富 )

Introduction Method Results Discussion Overview and synchronic lexicon? synchronic phonetic efgects Onset voicing and tones Sheng-Fu Wang ( 王聖富 ) ◮ Background: onset voicing and tonogenesis ◮ Research question: relationship between phonetic motivations ◮ Method: lexical statistics from dictionary ◮ Results and Discussion: a mixture of diachronic and

Introduction Method Results Discussion Onset voicing and Tonogenesis (e.g., Ohde, 1984) distinctive phonological feature (e.g., Hombert et al., 1979) Onset voicing and tones Sheng-Fu Wang ( 王聖富 ) ◮ Voiced/voiceless stops cause F0 perturbations in vowel onset ◮ voiced → low F0 ◮ voiceless → high F0 ◮ Tonogenesis: when such F0 difgerences are reanalyzed as

Introduction Method Onset voicing and tones onsets? onsets (or null efgect)? refmect the phonetics of tonogenesis? Sheng-Fu Wang ( 王聖富 ) Onset voicing and Tonogenesis in Min 1974; Handel, 2003) Discussion Results ◮ Min: Tonogenesis and voicing change (e.g., Norman, 1973, ◮ *p-, *p h - → p-, p h - with high tones ◮ *b- → p-, p h - with low tones ◮ *m-, *m h - → m-/b- with low tones ◮ Research question: does the current tone-onset association ◮ high tones (44, 52, 44q) → more likely to occur with voiceless ◮ low tones (24, 11, 32, 21q) → more likely to occur with voiced

Introduction 24 Onset voicing and tones 44q *D, low (yang-ru) 21q *D, high (yin-ru) 32 *C, low (yang-qu) 11 *C, high (yin-qu) *B, low (yang-shang) 42 *B, high (yin-shang) *A, low (yang-ping) Method 44 *A, high (yin-ping) tonal value in TW diachronic class & register value before or after the fmip? registers The twist: fmip of tonal register Discussion Results Sheng-Fu Wang ( 王聖富 ) ◮ The low-level tone (11) had high tonal register (yin-qu) ◮ The checked tones (44q, 21q) used to have the opposite tonal ◮ Are they more likely to occur with voiceless or voiced onsets? ◮ If there’s an association, is it more likely to follow the tonal ∅

Introduction Method Onset voicing and tones the contemporary lexicon no matter what languages change/develop language change (see de Lacy and Kingston, 2013)? stops development (other than remnants of sound change) motivated (e.g., Blevins, 2004; Mielke, 2008)? voicing and tonal register in the synchronic grammar ? Why looking at this? Synchronic vs. diachronic explanation Discussion Results Sheng-Fu Wang ( 王聖富 ) ◮ What is the nature of the association (if any) between onset ◮ results of ‘blind’ language change that are phonetically ◮ Laryngeal-tone systems are independent of the tonal ◮ It is possible for low tones to associate more with voiceless ◮ somehow encoded in Universal Grammar that constrains ◮ Constraints on laryngeal-tone systems should afgect how ◮ High tones should be associated more with voiceless stops in

Introduction Method Results Discussion Potential Results on tone-onset voicing association synchronically patterns (or anywhere at all?) Onset voicing and tones Sheng-Fu Wang ( 王聖富 ) ◮ The question: p ↔ H & b/m ↔ L? ◮ For tones that have not undergone fmip of tonal register: ◮ Yes: Phonetic explanation makes sense both diachronically and ◮ No: Motivation for sound change is not refmected in synchronic

Introduction Method Onset voicing and tones tone-onset combination in newly introduced syllable types combination in syllable types developed/introduced later change Potential Results on tone-onset voicing association (cont.) Discussion Results Sheng-Fu Wang ( 王聖富 ) ◮ The question: p ↔ H & b/m ↔ L? ◮ For tones that have undergone fmip of tonal register: ◮ consistent with diachronic tonal register: ◮ The onset-tone distribution has not changed because of tonal ◮ No phonetic efgects on the likelihood of tone-onset ◮ consistent with synchronic tonal register: ◮ The distribution has changed because of tonal change? ◮ after the tonal fmip, phonetic efgects on the likelihood of

Introduction Method Results Discussion Method: Dictionary Education g0v.tw ( 零時政府 ) vowel length (mono, diph, triph) Onset voicing and tones Sheng-Fu Wang ( 王聖富 ) ◮ The Taiwan Southern Min online dictionary by the Ministry of ◮ the version open-sourced by the MoeDict ( 萌典 ) team of ◮ Dictionary processing: ◮ Tallying attested tones for each syllable type ◮ Mapping syllable-level phonological features to syllable types ◮ e.g., Onset-voicing (+, − , n/a) , vowel nasality (+, − , n/a),

Introduction Method Onset voicing and tones voiceless onset voiced onset without tone X with tone X attestedness of High-Level tone across syllable types? efgect (Chong, 2016) Zawaydeh, 2001), palatalization and derived environment Method: Co-occurrence statistics attestedness of tones is independent Discussion Results Sheng-Fu Wang ( 王聖富 ) ◮ Co-occurrence statistics: Observed over Expected ◮ Testing whether the distribution of onset-voicing and ◮ Cross-table and Chi-square tests ◮ Attested vs. unattested ◮ Past studies: OCP (Coetzee and Pater, 2008; Frisch and ◮ One cross-table for each tone ◮ e.g., Is the occurrence of onset voicing independent from the

Introduction O/E = 2.28 Onset voicing and tones 151 58 93 total O/E = 0.38 O/E = 1.38 102 9.93% / 25.95% 57.61% / 41.60% voiceless onset 15 (39.18) 87 (62.82) O/E = 0.20 Method 49 28.48% / 12.46% 3.97% / 19.98 % voiced onset 43 (18.82) 6 (30.18) total without high-level tone with high-level tone Results: example of one analysis (high-level tone) Discussion Results Sheng-Fu Wang ( 王聖富 ) χ 2 (1, N = 151) = 71.60, p < .00001 → voiceless onsets are more likely to associated with high-level tone

Introduction neither *B, low *C, high 11 voiced onsets synchronic *C, low 32 voiceless onsets *D, high Method 21q voiceless onsets diachronic *D, low 44q voiced onsets diachronic Onset voicing and tones diachronic/synchronic voiceless stops 42 (positive association with..) Results Discussion Results: Overview diachronic tonal Result class & register value in TW consistent with... *B, high *A, high 44 voiceless onsets diachronic/synchronic *A, low 24 voiced onsets diachronic/synchronic Sheng-Fu Wang ( 王聖富 ) ∅

Introduction phonetic contexts Onset voicing and tones diachronic) contexts Method value before tonal fmip associations are consistent with diachronic and synchronic Results: summary Discussion Results Sheng-Fu Wang ( 王聖富 ) ◮ ping-sheng and shang-sheng (44, 24, 42): onset-tone ◮ ru-sheng (21q, 44q): onset-tone associations follow the tonal ◮ Following diachronic phonetic contexts ◮ qu-sheng (11, 32): not consistent with diachronic phonetic ◮ 11: associated with voiced onsets (synchronic) ◮ 32: associated with voiceless onsets (neither synchronic or

Introduction Method Results Discussion Back to our potential results diachronically and synchronically synchronic patterns (or anywhere at all?) Onset voicing and tones Sheng-Fu Wang ( 王聖富 ) ◮ The question: p ↔ H & b/m ↔ L? ◮ For tones that have not undergone fmip of tonal register: ◮ Yes (44, 42, 24) : Phonetic explanation makes sense both ◮ No (32) : Motivation for sound change is not refmected in

Introduction Method Onset voicing and tones tone-onset combination in newly introduced syllable types combination in syllable types developed/introduced later change Back to our potential results (cont.) Discussion Results Sheng-Fu Wang ( 王聖富 ) ◮ The question: p ↔ H & b/m ↔ L? ◮ For tones that have undergone register fmip: ◮ consistent with diachronic fmip of tonal register (44q, 21q) : ◮ The onset-tone distribution has not changed because of tonal ◮ No phonetic efgects on the likelihood of tone-onset ◮ consistent with synchronic tonal register (11) : ◮ The distribution has changed because of tonal change? ◮ after the tonal fmip, phonetic efgects on the likelihood of

Introduction (qu-sheng tones), the associations follow the original phonetic Onset voicing and tones current contexts Method context Sheng-Fu Wang ( 王聖富 ) hypothesis Discussion Discussion Results ◮ The results do not support the strong version of either ◮ Although, ignoring the low-level and mid-falling tones ◮ The checked tones follow early phonetic contexts rather than ◮ It supports the Blevins/Mielke view of synchronic grammar ◮ Something special about qusheng tones? ◮ a (more) synchronic efgect - dispersion? ◮ The low-level (11) tone associated with voiced onset ◮ The mid-falling tone (32) associated with voiceless onset ◮ Something about coda

Introduction Method Results Discussion Next steps Onset voicing and tones Sheng-Fu Wang ( 王聖富 ) ◮ Type and token frequencies in lexical statistics ◮ Coda efgect ◮ Psychological reality of such biases ◮ Lexical strata ◮ More varieties of Min

Introduction Method Results Discussion Take-home messages (albeit limited) tools contribute to the wider questions of synchronic and diachronic ‘natural’ explanations Onset voicing and tones Sheng-Fu Wang ( 王聖富 ) ◮ Lexical statistics and contingency patterns are interesting ◮ The patterning of onset-voicing and tones may be able to