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The raising effect of aspirated consonants on The raising effect of aspirated consonants on F0 in Taiwanese F0 in Taiwanese Yuwen Lai Department of Linguistics, UBC Christopher Huff Joan Sereno Allard Jongman Dept Linguistics, University

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The raising effect of aspirated consonants on The raising effect of aspirated consonants on F0 in Taiwanese F0 in Taiwanese

Yuwen Lai Department of Linguistics, UBC Christopher Huff Joan Sereno Allard Jongman Dept Linguistics, University of Kansas

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Consonant effect on F0 Consonant effect on F0

Prevocalic voicing triggers tonogenesis in Chinese and some Asian languages

Voiced onsets lower onset F0 Well-documented in tonal and non-tonal languages

Raised/lowered F0 can serve as a perceptual cue for consonantal feature

Higher F0 as a perceptual cue for aspiration in

Cantonese (Francis et al. 2006)

But, most interestingly…

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Aspiration and onset F0 Aspiration and onset F0

Ch < C Ch > C

Korean (Han 1967; Kim 1968) Danish (Jeel 1975) Thai (Ewan 1976) Cantonese (Zee 1980) Korean (Kim et al. 2002) Taiwanese (Lai 2004) Korean (Pearce 2007) Hindi (Kagaya and Hirose 1975) Thai (Gandour 1974; Erickson 1975) Mandarin (Xu and Xu 2003) Cantonese (Francis et al. 2006)

Ch = C

Danish (Fischer-Jørgensen 1968) French unaspirated vs English aspirated stops (Hombert and Ladefoged, 1977)

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General assumption General assumption

Voiced and Voiceless Voiced and Voiceless after voiced onset after voiced onset

  • lower larynx

lower larynx

  • less transglottal

less transglottal pressure

Voiceless aspirated and Voiceless aspirated and unaspirated unaspirated after aspirated onset after aspirated onset

  • higher larynx

higher larynx

( (Ewan Ewan 1976) 1976)

  • faster airflow rate

faster airflow rate ( (Ladefoged

Ladefoged, 1967) , 1967)

  • increased laryngeal

increased laryngeal tension pressure tension

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Complexity Complexity

Tonal or non Tonal or non-

  • tonal languages

tonal languages

  • Effect stronger on non

Effect stronger on non-

  • tonal languages

tonal languages ( (Hombert Hombert 1977) 1977)

High or low tones High or low tones

  • Raising effect weaker on high tones

Raising effect weaker on high tones

  • Lowering effect weaker on low tones

Lowering effect weaker on low tones

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Taiwanese tones Taiwanese tones

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Methodology Methodology

Stimuli Stimuli

  • CV(N) word pairs contrasting in prevocalic aspiration

CV(N) word pairs contrasting in prevocalic aspiration

  • 3 places of articulation (bilabial, alveolar, velar)

3 places of articulation (bilabial, alveolar, velar)

  • 5 unchecked tones (1, 2, 3, 5, 7)

5 unchecked tones (1, 2, 3, 5, 7)

  • 2 words per tone

2 words per tone ± ± aspiration x 3 places x 5 tones x 2 words = 60 tokens aspiration x 3 places x 5 tones x 2 words = 60 tokens

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Methodology Methodology

Participants Participants 5 female and 5 male native speakers 5 female and 5 male native speakers Procedure Procedure

  • Self

Self-

  • pased

pased reading list reading list

  • 3 repetitions x 60 unique words = 180 tokens per

3 repetitions x 60 unique words = 180 tokens per speaker speaker

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Methodology Methodology

Acoustic Measurements Acoustic Measurements

  • F0 (onset and every 10% time steps)

F0 (onset and every 10% time steps)

  • VOT, Rime duration

VOT, Rime duration

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Statistical Analyses Statistical Analyses

Four Four-

  • way ANOVA

way ANOVA

  • Aspiration (aspirated, unaspirated)

Aspiration (aspirated, unaspirated)

  • Gender (female, male)

Gender (female, male)

  • Tone (1, 2, 3, 5, 7)

Tone (1, 2, 3, 5, 7)

  • Place (bilabial, alveolar, velar)

Place (bilabial, alveolar, velar)

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Main effect Main effect -

  • Onset F0

Onset F0

(*) Aspiration (aspirated > unaspirated) (*) Gender (female > male) (*) Tone (2 > 1 > 3, 7 > 5) (*) Place (velar > bilabial > alveolar)

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F0 measurement across the contour F0 measurement across the contour

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Results by Gender Results by Gender

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Aspiration x Gender on onset F0 ( * ) Aspiration x Gender on onset F0 ( * )

Onset F0 after aspirated is higher only in females.

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Tone 2 Tone 2

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Tone 3 Tone 3

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Tone 5 Tone 5

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Tone 1 Tone 1

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Tone 7 Tone 7

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Summary Summary

Prevocalic aspiration Prevocalic aspiration – – raiser for F0 in Taiwanese raiser for F0 in Taiwanese Effect tailors off between 30% Effect tailors off between 30%-

  • 40% of the tonal contour

40% of the tonal contour Gender difference was found Gender difference was found Cross Cross-

  • over effect found in tone 1 (high level) and tone 7
  • ver effect found in tone 1 (high level) and tone 7

(low level) (low level)

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Aspiration Aspiration -

  • a raiser or a depressor?

a raiser or a depressor?

Language matters Language matters (Downing and

(Downing and Gick Gick 2001) 2001)

Individual differences may exist Individual differences may exist

Thai (Erickson 1975) Thai (Erickson 1975)

  • raising in 8 of 11 subjects, lowering in 3/11

raising in 8 of 11 subjects, lowering in 3/11

Measurement matters Measurement matters

  • Raising at F0 onset

Raising at F0 onset

  • Lowering the overall F0 of the syllable

Lowering the overall F0 of the syllable

Gender matters Gender matters

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But why? But why?

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Aspiration, F0, and VOT Aspiration, F0, and VOT

Madurese Madurese (Cohn and Lockwood 1994)

(Cohn and Lockwood 1994)

Voiceless aspirated onset lower F0 Voiceless aspirated onset lower F0 Voiceless aspirated stops longer in Voiceless aspirated stops longer in duration than voiced and voiceless duration than voiced and voiceless unaspirated unaspirated stops stops

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VOT VOT

20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 aspirated unaspirated VOT (ms) male female

(Lai, 2004)

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Airflow rate, aspiration and VOT Airflow rate, aspiration and VOT

Air flow rate

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Correlation Correlation

VOT difference = VOT(aspirated) – VOT(unaspirated)

Onset F0 difference = OnsetF0(aspirated) – OnsetF0(unaspirated)

  • 40
  • 30
  • 20
  • 10

10 20 30 40 20 40 60 80 100 120 140 differences in VOT (ms) differences in onset F0 (Hz) diff_vot Linear (diff_vot)

  • A significant correlation between VOT and onset differences
  • As the difference in VOT between aspirated and unaspirated onsets

increases, the difference in OF decreases.

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Discussion Discussion

Determinants for VOT Determinants for VOT

  • Place of articulation

Place of articulation

  • Tone

Tone

  • Speaking rate

Speaking rate

Gender effect Gender effect

  • Characteristics of vocal folds make females

Characteristics of vocal folds make females more susceptible to transglottal air pressure more susceptible to transglottal air pressure differences differences

  • Sociolinguistic effect

Sociolinguistic effect

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Discussion Discussion

Earlier research lack phonetic analyses and Earlier research lack phonetic analyses and statistical significance report statistical significance report Method of measurement Method of measurement

  • Tang (2008) implosives in Bade

Tang (2008) implosives in Bade

raise F0 at vowel onset raise F0 at vowel onset lower the overall F0 for the syllable lower the overall F0 for the syllable

Gender balance, sample size, speaking rate Gender balance, sample size, speaking rate

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Aspiration and onset F0 Aspiration and onset F0

Ch < C Ch > C

Korean (Han 1967; Kim 1968) Danish (Jeel 1975) Thai (Ewan 1976) Cantonese (Zee 1980) Korean (Kim et al. 2002) Taiwanese (Lai 2004) Korean (Pearce 2007) Hindi (Kagaya and Hirose 1975) Thai (Gandour 1974; Erickson 1975) Mandarin (Xu and Xu 2003) Cantonese (Francis et al. 2006) Ch = C Taiwanese (Lai et al. 2008)

Danish (Fischer-Jørgensen 1968) French unaspirated vs English aspirated stops (Hombert and Ladefoged, 1977)

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Acknowledgements Acknowledgements

Experiment participants Experiment participants Praat Praat scripts by scripts by Mietta Mietta Lennes Lennes and Yi and Yi Xu Xu Members of University of Kansas Members of University of Kansas Phonetics and Psycholinguistics Phonetics and Psycholinguistics Laboratory Laboratory

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VOT VOT

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Previous attempt Previous attempt

Participants Participants

  • 4 subjects: 2 males, 2 females

4 subjects: 2 males, 2 females

Stimuli Stimuli

  • All 7 tones, 3 places of articulation and affricates

All 7 tones, 3 places of articulation and affricates

Results Results

  • Raising effect after aspirated stops found in female

Raising effect after aspirated stops found in female speakers, but not in male speakers speakers, but not in male speakers

  • No significant interaction between place, tone and

No significant interaction between place, tone and aspiration aspiration (Lai, 2004)