BBNANG243 Phonological analysis 34. Contrast in English consonants - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

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BBNANG243 Phonological analysis 34. Contrast in English consonants - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

BBNANG243 Phonological analysis 34. Contrast in English consonants Zoltn G. Kiss, Pter Szigetvri, Mikls Trkenczy Dept. of English Linguistics, Etvs Lornd University z. g. kiss (elte|delg) analysis 34 | consonant


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BBN–ANG–243 Phonological analysis 3–4. Contrast in English consonants

Zoltán G. Kiss, Péter Szigetvári, Miklós Törkenczy

  • Dept. of English Linguistics, Eötvös Loránd University
  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 1 / 74

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aims

lecture outline

◮ contrast among English consonants (obstruents) ◮ laryngeal (“voicing”) contrast: phonetics and distribution ◮ when contrast disappears: neutralization ◮ voicing assimilation

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 2 / 74

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consonant contrasts

consonant contrasts in English

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 3 / 74

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consonant contrasts

the consonant inventory (contrastive consonants)

Bil. Lab-den. Dental Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal P p | b t | d k | g (P) O F f | v T | D s | z S | Z A Ù Ã N | m | n | N S L | l | r G | w | j h |

  • Bil. = bilabial, Lab-den. = labio-dental

P = stop/plosive, F = fricative, A = a=ricate, N = nasal, L = liquid, G = glide O = obstruent, S = sonorant | = left of line: “voiceless”, right of line: “voiced”

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 4 / 74

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consonant contrasts

  • bstruent contrasts

◮ place contrast: e.g., /t/ vs. /p/: tin–pin; /t/ vs. /k/: tan–can ◮ manner contrast: e.g., /t/ vs. /s/: tin–sin ◮ “voicing” contrast: /t/ vs. /d/: time–dime

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 5 / 74

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laryngeal contrast

“voicing” contrast in obstruents

OBSTRUENTS STOPS FRICATIVES /t/ – /d/ /s/ – /z/ tie – die sip – zip writer – rider missle – mizzle beat – bead bus – buzz ‘voiceless’ ‘voiced’ ‘voiceless’ ‘voiced’

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 6 / 74

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laryngeal contrast

laryngeal contrast in obstruents

◮ the phonological contrast of “voicing” is signalled (= cued)

by a complex of features: there are several correlates of this contrast = there are many “concomitant” features for the contrast

◮ vocal fold vibration is only one of them ◮ let’s refer to the phonological contrast as laryngeal contrast ◮ voicing is a narrowly used phonetic term: vocal fold vibration (also

called: phonation)

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 7 / 74

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laryngeal contrast

some phonetic correlates of laryngeal contrast in

  • bstruents

◮ voicing/phonation: vocal fold vibration ◮ Voice Onset Time (VOT) ◮ relative length of preceding vowel ◮ glottalization ◮ release noise/burst: intensity & length

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 8 / 74

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laryngeal contrast voicing

larynx: vocal folds + glottis

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 9 / 74

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laryngeal contrast voicing

vocal folds: periodic vibration

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 10 / 74

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laryngeal contrast voicing

states of the vocal folds

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 11 / 74

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laryngeal contrast voicing

cross-section of the larynx

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 12 / 74

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laryngeal contrast voicing

vocal fold vibration: the Bernoulli e=ect

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 13 / 74

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laryngeal contrast voicing

steps of vocal fold vibration

vocal fold vibration happens because of air pressure changes (aerodynamic reasons):

  • 1. vocal folds loosely close
  • 2. air pressure increases below vocal folds
  • 3. air pressure blows vocal folds apart (glottis opens)
  • 4. speed of air particles increases through narrow glottis
  • 5. air pressure decreases below/within vocal folds ⇒ vocal folds sucked

together (Bernoulli e=ect)

  • 6. vocal folds are closed again, a cycle like this repeats itself approx.

100–300 times/second

  • 7. the cycles last until the state of glottis changes (e.g., opens to produce

a voiceless sound) – phonation can start and can continue when air pressure is higher below the vocal folds than above it

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 14 / 74

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laryngeal contrast voicing

types of voicing

  • 1. spontaneous voicing: open oral cavity – this helps to start and

maintain voicing because air pressure will be low in the mouth but high below vocal folds ⇒ vowels, sonorants

  • 2. passive devoicing: closure/constriction in mouth – this creates high

air pressure above vocal folds, which inhibits vocal fold vibration ⇒ obstruents

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 15 / 74

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laryngeal contrast voicing

types of voicing

◮ thus, obstruents easily get devoiced unless

  • 1. they are between to vowels or sonorants, voicing from the

preceding vowel/sonorant continues throughout the obstruent ⇒ passively voiced (lenis) obstruents e.g., English: rider, bandit, rabid, gamble, begin, English, gadget, nostalgia, fuzzy, palsy, . . .

  • 2. active voicing articulation-strategies are used to delay devoicing:

e.g., lower the larynx, enlarge the oral cavity ⇒ actively voiced obstruents (Hungarian, French, Russian. . . )

◮ active devoicing: extra articulatory e=ort to maintain voicelessness

(e.g., between two vowels, city, lucky, etc.)

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 16 / 74

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laryngeal contrast voicing

types of voicing

summary

Type A=ected sounds spontaneous voicing vowels, sonorant consonants passive devoicing

  • bstruents

passive voicing

  • bstruents between Vs/son. (English, etc.)

active voicing

  • bstruents (Hungarian, etc.)

active devoicing voiceless obstruents between Vs/son.

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 17 / 74

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laryngeal contrast voicing

some consequences of voicing types

◮ vowels and sonorants are usually only voiced (no voiceless pair) ◮ obstruents come in voiceless–voiced pairs in most languages, some

languages only have voiceless obstruents

◮ if an obstruent is passively voiced (as in English), its voicing is

dependent on its environment

◮ passively voiced obstruents are only fully voiced between

vowels/sonorants

◮ elsewhere they are usually devoiced, e.g.: ◮ word-initial position: back, demon, game, juice. . . ◮ word-final position: rob, lead, vague, bridge. . .

◮ in Hungarian: “voiced” obstruents are typically voiced in all positions

(initially and word-finally, too): bab, babos, méz, rúzs. . . ;

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 18 / 74

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laryngeal contrast voicing

conclusion so far

◮ English “voiced” obstruents are not truly voiced:

they are passively voiced = voiced only between vowels and sonorants

◮ categorizing them as ‘voiced’ would be misleading

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 19 / 74

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laryngeal contrast VOT

articulation phases of stops

◮ for example: repel /rIp´

El/

  • 1. vowel/sonorant
  • 2. closure and hold
  • 3. release
  • 4. transition into the vowel
  • 5. vowel
  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 20 / 74

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laryngeal contrast VOT

Voice Onset Time, VOT

◮ voicing of stops can be characterized by the timing between the release

and the beginning (“onset”) of voicing of the next vowel/approximant – we call this timing relationship Voice Onset Time (VOT)

◮ three major VOT possibilities:

  • 1. voicing begins right after or only shortly after the release:

zero VOT/short lag VOT

  • 2. voicing begins later than the release, there is a relatively long lag
  • f voicing after the release: positive/long lag VOT
  • 3. voicing is already underway during the closure and release:

negative VOT/VOT lead

◮ these three VOT options give three phonetic laryngeal categories of

stops

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 21 / 74

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laryngeal contrast VOT

three Voice Onset Time options

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 22 / 74

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laryngeal contrast VOT

three Voice Onset Time options

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 23 / 74

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laryngeal contrast VOT

voicing and aspirating languages

“voicing” “aspirating” voiced voiceless voiceless unaspirated aspirated [d] [t] [th] Hawaiian [t] Hungarian ⇐ ⇒ [d] [t] English ⇐ ⇒ [t] [th] Thai ⇐ ⇒ ⇐ ⇒ [d] [t] [th]

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 24 / 74

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laryngeal contrast VOT

aspirating and voicing languages

aspirating (zero VOT ⇔ +VOT) languages

most Germanic (English, German, Danish, Icelandic, Norwegian, Swedish, etc.) but also some Turkic languages

voicing (zero VOT ⇔ −VOT) languages

most Romance and Slavic languages (Spanish, Italian, French, Russian, Polish, Slovak, etc.) but also Dutch, Yiddish, Scottish English, and Hungarian

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 25 / 74

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laryngeal contrast VOT

positive, long-lag VOT: aspiration (paces)

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 26 / 74

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laryngeal contrast VOT

aspiration in closeup

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 27 / 74

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laryngeal contrast VOT

negative VOT: voiced stop (Spanish)

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 28 / 74

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laryngeal contrast VOT

negative VOT: voiced stop (Spanish)

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 29 / 74

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laryngeal contrast VOT

zero VOT: unaspirated, voiceless stop

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 30 / 74

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laryngeal contrast VOT

zero VOT: unaspirated, voiceless stop

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 31 / 74

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laryngeal contrast VOT

Spanish p = English b (zero VOT)

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 32 / 74

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laryngeal contrast VOT

English vs. Hungarian obstruents English Hungarian pat bat = pár bár rapid rabid ≈ apa Aba lap lab = láp láb

◮ spelling is misleading, it expresses the phonological contrast of

  • bstruents in the two languages but the phonetic realizations are

di=erent (except between Vs/sonorants)

◮ German borrowings into Hungarian: Beck > pék, Bilde > példa,

Brösel > prézli, bitte > piti(zik), Dinkel > tönköly, Dübel > tipli, Gucker > kukker. . .

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 33 / 74

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laryngeal contrast fortis & lenis

fortis vs. lenis obstruents

◮ Hungarian, Spanish, etc.: di=erence between obstruents

(e.g., “p”–“b”) is due to voicing: “p” = voiceless, “b” = voiced

◮ English: di=erence between obstruents (e.g., “p”–“b”) is due to

aspiration: “p” = aspirated, “b” = unaspirated

◮ we call the contrasting obstruents in English fortis vs. lenis

(and not “voiceles” vs. “voiced”)

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 34 / 74

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laryngeal contrast fortis & lenis

classic English literature: Jones

Jones (1918: 154)

In voiced plosive consonants the amount of voice heard during the stop may vary. [. . . ] When a voiced plosive [. . . ] occurs between two vowels (as in about), voice sounds throughout the whole of the stop. In English when /b d/ and /g/ occur initially [. . . ], they are partially devoiced [. . . ] i.e. voice is not heard during the whole of the stop but only during part

  • f it, generally the latter part. With some speakers the voice disappears

altogether [. . . ]. With many speakers [. . . ] final voiced plosives [are] partially or even completely devoiced [. . . ]. [These] consonants are very weak voiceless plosives consonants.

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 35 / 74

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laryngeal contrast fortis & lenis

classic English literature: Gimson

Gimson (1962: 32; 152)

A voiceless/voiced pair such as [s, z] are distinguished not only by the presence or absence of voice but also by the degree of breath and muscular e=ort involved in the articulation. Indeed, [. . . ] in certain situations, the voice opposition may be lost, so that the energy of articulation becomes a significant factor. Those English consonants which are usually voiced tend to be articulated with relatively weak energy, whereas those which are always voiceless are relatively strong. Thus, it may be important to define [s] as strong or fortis and [z] as weak or lenis. The lenis series /b d g/ may have full voicing [. . . ] when they occur [. . . ] between voiced sounds e.g. labour, leader, eager [. . . ]. In initial and especially in final positions, [. . . ] while remaining lenis, may be partially voiced or completely voiceless.

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 36 / 74

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laryngeal contrast fortis & lenis

fortis vs. lenis obstruents

Fortis Lenis never voiced have passive voicing, only voiced between vowels/sonorants can be aspirated never aspirated can shorten the preceding vowel (“Pre-Fortis Clipping”) never shorten preceding vowel can be glottalized can never be glottalized “stronger” articulation “weaker” articulation fortis voiceless fortis & voiceless everywhere: pal, rapid, leap lenis & voiceless not between Vs/son.: bat, lap lenis voiced lenis & voiced between Vs/son.: rabid, random

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 37 / 74

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laryngeal contrast fortis & lenis

fortis vs. lenis obstruent contrast in English

English obstruent phonemes

Stops A=r. Fricatives Fortis /p t k/ /Ù/ /f T s S/ Lenis /b d g/ /Ã/ /v D S Z/

◮ lenis phonemes have two allophones: (partially) voiceless and voiced,

the voiced allophone is the most limited

◮ for example:

/b/ [b] between Vs/son. [p] or [b ˚ ] elsewhere

◮ bin

/bIn/ phonetically: [pIn] or [b ˚ In] Robin /r´ ObIn/ phonetically: [r´ ObIn]

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 38 / 74

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laryngeal contrast positions

laryngeal contrast of stops in various positions

◮ so far two phonetic features have been used for the laryngeal contrast:

aspiration & passive voicing

◮ they are not equally active in all phonetic positions

  • 1. between sonorants, before a stressed vowel: repél – rebél
  • 2. word-initial, before a stressed or unstressed vowel: tíe – díe,

políte – Bolívia

  • 3. between sonorants, before an unstressed vowel: wríter – ríder
  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 39 / 74

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laryngeal contrast positions

  • 1. between sonorants, before a stressed vowel

repél rebél voiced? − + aspirated? + −

– both features are active in this position for the contrast

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 40 / 74

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laryngeal contrast positions

  • 2. word-initial, before a stressed or unstressed vowel

tíe díe voiced? − − aspirated? + −

– only aspiration is active in this position for the contrast

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 41 / 74

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laryngeal contrast positions

  • 3. between sonorants, before an unstressed vowel

wríter ríder voiced? − + aspirated? − −

◮ only voicing is active in this position for the contrast ◮ note: 1. it is sometimes claimed that there is weak aspiration of fortis

stops here

  • 2. length of stops is relatively short here, and voicing may continue

throughout the stop: /t/ and /d/ may become a flap [R] in American English, but not /p/–/b/ or /k/–/g/: rápid – rábid still contrast

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 42 / 74

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laryngeal contrast positions

ranking of positions based on laryngeal contrast preservation in stops

  • 1. medial, between sonorants, before a stressed V (repél – rebél) >
  • 2. word-initial, before a stressed/unstr. V (tíe – díe) >
  • 3. medial, between sonorants, before an unstressed V (wríter – ríder)

X > Y = ‘X has more/better features to maintain the contrast than Y’ (where X and Y are positions)

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 43 / 74

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laryngeal contrast word-final

absolute word final position: beat – bead

◮ in this position, voicing is di;cult to maintain ◮ since nothing follows the stop, aspiration is also impossible

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 44 / 74

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laryngeal contrast word-final

no contrast in beat – bead?

beat bead voiced? − − aspirated? − −

◮ has English given up contrast in word-final position? = neutralization ◮ or maybe there are features other than voicing that get activated here

to maintain the contrast. . .

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 45 / 74

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laryngeal contrast neutralization

neutralization: the beer goggle e=ect

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 46 / 74

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laryngeal contrast neutralization

neutralization

The disappearance of contrast under a given condition. = The local suspension of a phonological opposition between two or more contrastive sound segments; only one segment can appear in that position (but not its contrastive counterpart(s)).

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 47 / 74

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laryngeal contrast neutralization

neutralization: the beer goggle e=ect

◮ opposition: the attractiveness of people is perceived di=erently ◮ condition: being drunk ◮ output: the di=erence in attractiveness disappears (all people are

perceived as attractive)

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 48 / 74

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laryngeal contrast neutralization

neutralization examples: vowel reduction

◮ a wide range of vowels can appear in a stressed syllable but in

unstressed syllables, vowel contrast is reduced to a handful of vowels (primarily the schwa)

◮ senténtial

∼ séntence E ∼ @ systémic ∼ sýstem E ∼ @ morálity ∼ móral a ∼ @ symbólic ∼ sýmbol O ∼ @ atómic ∼ átom O ∼ @ harmónious ∼ hármony @w ∼ @ mystérious ∼ mýstery I: ∼ @ dráma ∼ dramátic A: ∼ @ sulphúrious ∼ súlphur j0: ∼ @

◮ opposition: full vowels, condition: unstressed syllable, output: /@/

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 49 / 74

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laryngeal contrast neutralization

neutralization examples: /s/ and /S/

◮ /s/ is in contrast with /S/ ◮ so – show, mass – mash, parcel – partial, universal – controversial, etc. ◮ word-inital, pre-consonantal position: /S/ only before /r/, and /s/ is

before any other consonant

◮ /Sr/: shrub, shrivel, shrink, shrug. . . but never */St/, */Sp/, */Sk/, etc. ◮ /s/ + C: steam, sport, sky, etc. ◮ opposition: /s/ – /S/, condition: word-inital, pre-consonantal position,

  • utput: either /Sr/ or /s/ + C (where C = /r/)
  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 50 / 74

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laryngeal contrast neutralization

neutralization examples: nasal + stop clusters

◮ nasals contrast with respect to place of articulation ◮ sin – SIM – sing: /n/ – /m/ – /N/ ◮ before a stop: only one can occur, whose place depends on following

stop (labial with labial, coronal with coronal, velar with velar)

◮ e.g., print /nt/, but no /m/ or /N/ before /t/ *primt, *primk, etc.:

Stops Nasal /p/ /t/ /k/ /m/ limp — — /n/ — tent — /N/ — — link /Nk/

◮ opposition: /n/ – /m/ – /N/, condition: before a stop, output: only

  • ne nasal can occur, the contrast is suspended before a given stop
  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 51 / 74

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laryngeal contrast neutralization

laryngeal neutralization for word-final obstruents?

◮ beat – bead, back – bag, loose – lose, leaf – leave, etc. ◮ obstruents are unaspirated and voiceless in this position ◮ opposition: laryngeal contrast of obstruents, condition: word-final

position, output: only voiceless-unaspirated obstruents

◮ based on this, beat and bead are supposed to be pronounced the same

way: beat [b ˚ Ijt] = bead [b ˚ Ijd ˚ ] = [pIjt] (homophones)

◮ BUT this does not seem to be the case!

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 52 / 74

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laryngeal contrast neutralization

“redundant” features to the help

◮ correlates of laryngeal contrast so far: voicing and aspiration

– but they are not active in word-final position

◮ however, there are other correlates of the laryngeal contrast ◮ they do not seem to play a role in other positions (e.g., word-medially),

they are “redundant”

◮ but they seem to emerge more saliently when contrast is in danger (as

in word-final position):

◮ relative length of preceding vowel ◮ glottalization ◮ other features: release noise, articulatory strength/e=ort/force

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 53 / 74

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laryngeal contrast vowel length

relative length of preceding vowel

◮ vowels are shorter (clipped) before fortis obstruents than before lenis

  • bstruents: Pre-Fortis Clipping

◮ speak – speed,

mate – made, rope – robe, write – ride, root – rude, cap – cab loose – lose, leaf – leave

◮ clipping is redundant/predictable but it cues the contrast here

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 54 / 74

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laryngeal contrast glottalization

pre-glottalization/glottal reinforcement

◮ glottal closure quickly closes down the voicing of the vowel, followed

by the oral closure of the fortis stops & a=ricate

◮ happens word-finally or when they are followed by another consonant ◮ right [rAjPt], shop [SOPp], shot [SOPt], shock [SOPk], April [´

EjPprl], fatness [f´ aPtn@s], football [f´ 0Ptpo:l], reach [rIjPÙ], etc.

◮ it only happens for the fortis consonants:

mate [mEjPt] – made [mEjt], seat [sIjPt] – seed [sIjt]

◮ it is another indicator of the fortis – lenis contrast! ◮ it happens where the contrast between fortis & lenis stops could

potentially disappear

◮ note: glottalization may well be just a more salient/forceful version

  • f pre-fortis clipping: the vowel is cut by glottal closure
  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 55 / 74

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laryngeal contrast glottalization

contrast is salvaged in beat – bead, no neutralization

beat bead voiced? − − aspirated? − − preceding V shorter? + − glottalization? + −

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 56 / 74

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laryngeal contrast fricatives

correlates of laryngeal contrast for fricatives

◮ examples for the laryngeal contrast of fricatives: thigh – thy, feel – veal,

file – vile, sip – zip, leaf – leave, bus – buzz, etc.

◮ /T/ – /D/, /f/ – /v/, /s/ – /z/, /S/ – /Z/ ◮ voicing/phonation, length di=erences (preceding vowel length, length

  • f the fricative), and intensity signal the contrast

◮ aspiration, glottalization, release do not play a role

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 57 / 74

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laryngeal contrast fricatives

  • 1. medial, between sonorants, before a stressed V

◮ conféction – convéction, defíed – divíde ◮ absence/presence of voicing/phonation is the primary cue, no danger

for contrast

◮ /T f s S/: voiceless ◮ /D v z Z/: voiced/phonated

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 58 / 74

slide-59
SLIDE 59

laryngeal contrast fricatives

  • 2. word-initial, before a V

◮ sip – zip, cellar – Zellar, fain – vein, fault – vault, feel – veal,

sheet /SIjt/ – gite /ZIjt/, thigh /TAj/ – thy /DAj/

◮ some research suggests that lenis fricatives /D v z Z/ in initial

position are relatively voiced, unlike lenis stops, the contrasts above are due to voicing/phonation (e.g., sip is voiceless, zip is voiced)

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 59 / 74

slide-60
SLIDE 60

laryngeal contrast fricatives

  • 3. medial, between sonorants, after a stressed V

◮ míssle – mízzle, grístle – grízzle, rífle – ríval, Óphir /´

@wf@/ – óver /´ @wv@/, Áisha – Ásia, Ásher – ázure, tréssure – tréasure, Confúcian – confúsion

◮ absence/presence of voicing/phonation is the primary cue, no danger

for contrast

◮ /T f s S/: voiceless ◮ /D v z Z/: voiced/phonated

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 60 / 74

slide-61
SLIDE 61

laryngeal contrast fricatives

  • 4. absolute word-final position

◮ leaf – leave, brief – breve, calf – calve, safe – save, bus – buzz, race – raise,

hiss – his, ruche /r0wS/ – rouge /r0wZ/, teeth /tIjT/ – teethe /tIjD/, loath – loathe

◮ for similar reasons as for stops, vocal fold vibration in this position is

di;cult to maintain

◮ relative vowel and consonant length emerge to maintain the contrast ◮ /T f s S/: have a shorter vowel before them and they are articulated

longer with more intensity than

◮ /D v z Z/: preceding vowel is relatively longer and they are articulated

relatively shorter and with less intensity

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 61 / 74

slide-62
SLIDE 62

laryngeal contrast fric + stop

fortis fricative + stop clusters

◮ so far we have not seen neutralization of the laryngeal contrast for

either stops or fricatives

◮ fortis fricative + stop clusters:

◮ /s/ + stop: speak, sport, spring, stéreo, stúpid, string, school,

scheme, sketch, discóver, displáy, expláin. . .

◮ /f/ + stop: caftán, fiftéen ◮ /S/ + stop: gestált

◮ the laryngeal contrast is completely neutralized in this position: only

an unvoiced-unaspirated stop may occur here

◮ is this stop fortis or lenis? ◮ note if we analyse the stop as fortis, this would be an exception to

aspiration! – because fortis stops are otherwise aspirated before stressed vowels: e.g., recóver [kh] but discóver [k]

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 62 / 74

slide-63
SLIDE 63

laryngeal contrast fric + stop

stops after /s/ are perceived as lenis

– what do native speakers hear when the /s/ of school is deleted?

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 63 / 74

slide-64
SLIDE 64

laryngeal contrast fric + stop

stops after /s/ are perceived as lenis

– what do native speakers hear when the /s/ of school is deleted?

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 64 / 74

slide-65
SLIDE 65

laryngeal contrast fric + stop

fortis fricative + stop clusters

◮ stops after fortis fricatives seem to be lenis ◮ they are not aspirated because they are never aspirated ◮ they are not voiced either because they are only (passively) voiced

between vowels/sonorants

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 65 / 74

slide-66
SLIDE 66

laryngeal contrast ranking

ranking of positions based on laryngeal contrast preservation in stops

  • 1. medial, between sonorants, before a stressed V (repél – rebél) >
  • 2. word-initial, before a stressed/unstr. V (tíe – díe) >
  • 3. medial, between sonorants, before an unstressed V (wríter – ríder) >
  • 4. absolute word-final (beat – bead) >
  • 5. after fortis fricatives (sport/stop/school)

X > Y = ‘X has more/better features to maintain the contrast than Y’ (where X and Y are positions)

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 66 / 74

slide-67
SLIDE 67

RVA

regressive voicing assimilation (RVA) in Hungarian

◮ a phonotactic and morpho-phonological pattern: two adjacent

  • bstruents must have the same voicing (compulsory rule)

◮ the voicelessness or voicing of the second obstruent governs the

voicelessness or voicing of the preceding obstruent (= “voicing spreads backward”)

◮ méz [z] ‘honey’

méz-t˝

  • l [st]

méz-b˝

  • l [zb]

mész [s] ‘lime’ mész-t˝

  • l [st]

mész-b˝

  • l [zb]

dob [b] ‘throw’ dob-tam [pt] dob-d [bd] kap [p] ‘get’ kap-tam [pt] kap-d [bd]

◮ notice that Hungarian is a voicing language, voicing spreads, making

voiceless obstruents voiced

◮ RVA is neutralizing: the voicing contrast between obstruents

disappears

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 67 / 74

slide-68
SLIDE 68

RVA

voicing assimilation can be modelled as feature-spreading

– ház+tól ‘from house’ /z/+/t/ → /st/:

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 68 / 74

slide-69
SLIDE 69

RVA

spontaneously & passively voiced sounds do not cause RVA

◮ mésznek ‘for the lime’ /s/ + /n/ → *[zn] ◮ mésznek does not become méznek: no laryngeal neutralization ◮ képnek ‘for picture’ [pn] *[bn], töröknél [kn] *[gn] ‘at Turk(ish)’,

zokni ‘socks’ [kn] *[gn]

◮ reason: sonorants are spontaneously voiced, not actively, this kind of

voicing cannot spread to other sounds

◮ only actively voiced and actively devoiced sounds can spread their

voicing and devoicing feature to other sounds – as in Hungarian for example

◮ in English too: batman [tm] *[dm], putney [tn] *[dn], replay [pl] *[bl]

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 69 / 74

slide-70
SLIDE 70

RVA

is there RVA in English?

◮ since English is an aspirating language, neither fortis nor lenis

  • bstruents have a phonologically active voiceless or voiced feature that

could spread

◮ therefore we predict that English does not have RVA ◮ the pronunciation of words before obstruents does not change

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 70 / 74

slide-71
SLIDE 71

RVA

no RVA from fortis /p t k T f s S Ù/ obstruents in English

◮ is

/z/ [z ˚ ] is Tom going? /zt/ [z ˚ th] live /v/ [v ˚ ] live show /vS/ [v ˚ S] grade /d/ [d ˚ ] grade four /df/ [d ˚ f] bead /d/ [d ˚ ] bead pack /dp/ [d ˚ ph]

◮ the first words do not change at all, no spreading of voicelessness,

hence no voicing neutralization either

◮ thus: bead pack will not become beat pack even though both final

  • bstruents are voiceless
  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 71 / 74

slide-72
SLIDE 72

RVA

contrast in beat pack vs. bead pack

beat pack bead pack voiced? − − aspirated? − − preceding V shorter? + − glottalization? + −

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 72 / 74

slide-73
SLIDE 73

RVA

no RVA from lenis /b d g D v z Z Ã/ obstruents in English

◮ up

/p/ [p] update /pd/ [pd ˚ ] (not *[bd]!) beat /t/ [t] beat band /tb/ [tb ˚ ] (not *[db]!) beat /t/ [t] beat Zoë /tz/ [tz ˚ ] (not *[dz]!) birth /T/ [T] birthday /Td/ [Td ˚ ] (not *[Dd] or *[zd]!) base /s/ [s] baseball /sb/ [sb ˚ ] (not *[zb]!) match /Ù/ [Ù] matchbox /Ùb/ [Ùb ˚ ] (not *[Ãb]!) anec /k/ [k] anecdote /kd/ [kd ˚ ] (not *[gd]!)

◮ again, the first words do not change at all, no spreading of voicing,

hence no voicing neutralization either

◮ thus: beat band will not become bead band

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 73 / 74

slide-74
SLIDE 74

RVA

contrast in beat band vs. bead band

beat band bead band voiced? − − aspirated? − − preceding V shorter? + − glottalization? + −

  • z. g. kiss (elte|delg)

analysis 3–4 | consonant contrast 74 / 74