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Background Issues Vowel duration On the dynamic behavior of Vowel-to-Vowel Harmony in French: Do speakers control states or changes? Olivier Crouzet & Agnieszka Duniec Laboratoire de Linguistique de Nantes (LLING EA3827) Dpartement


  1. Background Issues Vowel duration On the dynamic behavior of Vowel-to-Vowel Harmony in French: Do speakers control states or changes? Olivier Crouzet & Agnieszka Duniec Laboratoire de Linguistique de Nantes (LLING – EA3827) Département de Sciences du Langage UFR Lettres et Langages Université de Nantes October 29, 2014– 1st DINAFON Meeting – UNICAMP O. Crouzet & A. Duniec V-to-V Harmony in French

  2. Background Issues Vowel duration Plan de la présentation 1 Vowel harmonisation in French: Background Classical accounts Acoustic data and temporal behavior 2 Further Issues Coarticulatory transitions? Monolithic vs. dynamic control targets 3 Investigation of the impact of vowel duration on V-to-V Harmony Aims Procedure O. Crouzet & A. Duniec V-to-V Harmony in French

  3. Background Issues Vowel duration Plan de la présentation 1 Vowel harmonisation in French: Background Classical accounts Acoustic data and temporal behavior 2 Further Issues Coarticulatory transitions? Monolithic vs. dynamic control targets 3 Investigation of the impact of vowel duration on V-to-V Harmony Aims Procedure O. Crouzet & A. Duniec V-to-V Harmony in French

  4. Background Issues Vowel duration Plan de la présentation 1 Vowel harmonisation in French: Background Classical accounts Acoustic data and temporal behavior 2 Further Issues Coarticulatory transitions? Monolithic vs. dynamic control targets 3 Investigation of the impact of vowel duration on V-to-V Harmony Aims Procedure O. Crouzet & A. Duniec V-to-V Harmony in French

  5. Background Classical accounts Issues Acoustic data and temporal behavior Vowel duration Vowel-to-Vowel Harmonisation / assimilation in French It has first been described by Grammont (1933); A regressive assimilation of the properties of a vowel over the preceding vowel, through an intermediate consonant, within a word; It would affect both aperture and anteriority; / eme / / emabl / [ eme ] [ Emabl ] (fr. “to love” ) (fr. “kind, friendly” , same radical as “to love”); O. Crouzet & A. Duniec V-to-V Harmony in French

  6. Background Classical accounts Issues Acoustic data and temporal behavior Vowel duration Behavior Same “underlying vowel” ( V 1 ); Gives rise to an alternation between vowels with various degrees of aperture; Would only apply to mid vowels { e/E, ø/œ, o/O }; Depending on the following vowel context ( V 2 ); Speakers would alternate between the following forms. . . [ eme ] [ Ema ] O. Crouzet & A. Duniec V-to-V Harmony in French

  7. Background Classical accounts Issues Acoustic data and temporal behavior Vowel duration Behavior May give rise to only slight spectral variations; Usually not noticed by the speakers or listeners; Preventing from producing it does not seem to be ungrammatical at all and is unnoticed by speakers; May be interpreted in terms of a long-term coarticulation effect rather than in terms of vowel harmony per se ; Therefore seems to differ fundamentally from (e.g.) Turkish or Hungarian (Magyar) VH; O. Crouzet & A. Duniec V-to-V Harmony in French

  8. Background Classical accounts Issues Acoustic data and temporal behavior Vowel duration Subjective vs. Objective analyses Most discussions have been based on subjective auditory judgements (Carton, 1974; Dell, 1972; Fouché, 1956; Grammont, 1933; Martinet, 1945, among others); Only recently have authors started investigating this phenomenon on the basis of objective speakers’ productions; Main work : Nguyen, N., & Fagyal, Z. (2008). Acoustic aspects of vowel harmony in French. Journal of Phonetics , 36 (1), 1–27; O. Crouzet & A. Duniec V-to-V Harmony in French

  9. Background Classical accounts Issues Acoustic data and temporal behavior Vowel duration Nguyen & Fagyal (2008)’s main results Measured V 1 formant frequencies at the vowel mid-point; Confirm classical subjective judgments; Both F1 and F2 formant frequencies of V 1 are influenced by the properties of V 2 ; O. Crouzet & A. Duniec V-to-V Harmony in French

  10. Background Coarticulatory transitions? Issues Monolithic vs. dynamic control targets Vowel duration Further issues Isn’t this phenomenon simply an artifact emerging from formant transitions within the V-to-V sequence? Is this phenomenon active over the whole V 1 ? Could this help us decipher what the speaker’s target is and how it is controlled? O. Crouzet & A. Duniec V-to-V Harmony in French

  11. Background Coarticulatory transitions? Issues Monolithic vs. dynamic control targets Vowel duration Why do these should matter? It may simply emerge from the articulatory / acoustic trajectory between 2 unmodified targets = artifact; It may be associated to either (1) a monolithic view of this V-to-V harmony ( V 2 “as a whole single target” influences the preparation of V 1 “as a whole single target”) or (2) a dynamical view according to which this phenomenon may evolve over time within V 1 . . . O. Crouzet & A. Duniec V-to-V Harmony in French

  12. Background Coarticulatory transitions? Issues Monolithic vs. dynamic control targets Vowel duration V-to-V assimilation vs. Coarticulatory artefact 24 24 24 16.4k 16.4k 16.4k Frequency (in Bark). Frequency (in Hz). Frequency (in Hz). Frequency (in Hz). 20 20 20 8.4k 8.4k 8.4k 16 16 16 4.3k 4.3k 4.3k ●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●● ●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●● ●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●● ●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●● 12 12 12 2.2k 2.2k 2.2k 8 8 8 1.1k 1.1k 1.1k 4 4 4 0.4k 0.4k 0.4k ●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●● ●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●●● 0 0 0 0k 0k 0k 0 0 0 100 100 100 200 200 200 300 300 300 400 400 400 500 500 500 Time (in ms., relative to the vowel beginning). Figure: Example of formant data extracted from a V 1 CV 2 sequence, [ eki ] from the word “béquille”, [ bekij ], en. “crutch”. O. Crouzet & A. Duniec V-to-V Harmony in French

  13. Background Coarticulatory transitions? Issues Monolithic vs. dynamic control targets Vowel duration Note Only schematic formant tracks are presented graphically; These were extracted with Praat formant tracking and then processed within R ; They constitute our base data for analyses; O. Crouzet & A. Duniec V-to-V Harmony in French

  14. Background Coarticulatory transitions? Issues Monolithic vs. dynamic control targets Vowel duration Formant movements in Vowel Harmony 24 24 24 16.4k 16.4k 16.4k Frequency (in Bark). Frequency (in Hz). Frequency (in Hz). Frequency (in Hz). 20 20 20 8.4k 8.4k 8.4k 16 16 16 4.3k 4.3k 4.3k ● ● ● ● ● ● 12 12 12 2.2k 2.2k 2.2k 8 8 8 1.1k 1.1k 1.1k 4 4 4 0.4k 0.4k 0.4k ● ● ● ● 0 0 0 0k 0k 0k −100 −100 −100 −50 −50 −50 0 0 0 50 50 50 100 100 100 Time (in ms., relative to the vowel center). Figure: Zooming on V 1 inside the very same sequence. Formant movement: [ e ] towards [ i ]. The blue cross was our alternative hypothetical target (based on maximal F 1 frequency. O. Crouzet & A. Duniec V-to-V Harmony in French

  15. Background Coarticulatory transitions? Issues Monolithic vs. dynamic control targets Vowel duration Why do these should matter? It may simply emerge from the articulatory / acoustic trajectory between 2 unmodified targets = artifact; It may be associated to either (1) a monolithic view of this V-to-V harmony ( V 2 “as a whole single target” influences the preparation of V 1 “as a whole single target”) or (2) a dynamical view according to which this phenomenon may evolve over time within V 1 . . . . . . which may have implications for modelling articulatory control in this situation; O. Crouzet & A. Duniec V-to-V Harmony in French

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