UYGHUR BACKNESS HARMONY There are generally two classes of vowels - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

LOCALITY, TRANSPARENCY, UYGHUR BACKNESS HARMONY

• There are generally two classes of vowels for harmony: regular and neutral vowels (blockers and transparent vowels). • Regular vowels undergo and spread harmony [+bk] Turkish ɑltɯ - lɑr - dɑ six-PL-LOC [+bk] [-bk] ɑltɯ -gen-ler-de six-PLYGN-PL-LOC

• There are generally two classes of vowels for harmony: regular and neutral vowels (blockers and transparent vowels). • Regular vowels undergo and spread harmony • Blockers do not undergo harmony, but spread their own value of [F]. [+bk] Turkish ɑltɯ - lɑr - dɑ six-PL-LOC [+bk] [-bk] ɑltɯ -gen-ler-de six-PLYGN-PL-LOC

• There are generally two classes of vowels for harmony: regular and neutral vowels (blockers and transparent vowels). • Regular vowels undergo and spread harmony • Blockers do not undergo harmony, but spread their own value of [F]. [+bk] Turkish ɑltɯ - lɑr - dɑ six-PL-LOC [+bk] [-bk] ɑltɯ -gen-ler-de six-PLYGN-PL-LOC

• Transparent vowels are skipped by harmony. • They do not undergo, but do not impede feature spreading. [+bk] Hungarian pɔpiːr - nɔk paper-DAT [+bk] hiːd - nɔk bridge-DAT

• Transparent vowels are skipped by harmony. • They do not undergo, but do not impede feature spreading. [+bk] Hungarian pɔpiːr - nɔk paper-DAT [+bk] hiːd - nɔk bridge-DAT

• There is descriptive and theoretical work suggesting that all harmony is local. • Harmony affects all vowels within its domain. • “Transparent” vowels only seem transparent. They actually covertly alternate for harmony. • There is phonetic and phonological evidence that /i ː/ does exhibit low -level alternations in Hungarian. Benus & Gafos 2007; Rebrus et al. 2012; Rebrus & Törkenczy 2016; Szeredi 2016

• Furthermore, some contend that harmony is strictly local. • Strict locality demands that harmony affects everything within its domain, including consonants. • Turkic has figured largely in this body of work. • The question is thus: do reported cases of transparency actually involve transparency? • I will argue, contrary to previous descriptions, that there is no transparency, but rather strict locality in Uyghur backness harmony. Dzhunisbekov 1980; Boyce 1990; Kaun 1995; Gafos 1999; Ní Chiosáin & Padgett 2001; McCollum 2015

Attested Language Analysis Characteristics (with articulatory and/or acoustic evidence for claim) neutral vowels do not exhibit Transparency any differences due to Wolof, Uyghur harmony neutral vowels exhibit slight Covert locality Hungarian differences due to harmony all vowels exhibit salient Locality Kinande differences due to harmony all segments exhibit Strict locality Kazakh differences due to harmony Benus & Gafos 2007; Dye 2015; Gick et al. 2006; Dzhunisbekov 1980; McCollum 2015

Attested Language Analysis Characteristics (with articulatory and/or acoustic evidence for claim) neutral vowels do not exhibit Transparency any differences due to Wolof harmony neutral vowels exhibit slight Covert locality Hungarian differences due to harmony all vowels exhibit salient Locality Kinande differences due to harmony all segments exhibit Strict locality Kazakh, Uyghur differences due to harmony Benus & Gafos 2007; Dye 2015; Gick et al. 2006; Dzhunisbekov 1980; McCollum 2015

• Uyghur is the only Turkic language reported to exhibit transparency. • Moreover, it is reported to exhibit transparency across a number of intervening neutral vowels. pɑlti -lir-i- dɑ axe-PL-POSS.3-LOC Lindblad 1990; Hahn 1991, 1998; Vaux 2001; Yakup 2005

• Uyghur is the only Turkic language reported to exhibit transparency. • Moreover, it is reported to exhibit transparency across a number of intervening neutral vowels. Lindblad 1990; Hahn 1991, 1998; Vaux 2001; Yakup 2005

• The most common Suffix Backness Word Gloss harmonic alternation PL [-back] bæl-lær waist-PL is [æ]~[ɑ] køl-lær lake-PL si-lær you-PL • initial [i] triggers [-bk] [+back] bɑl - lɑr face-PL in some lexemes, but jol- lɑr road-PL [+bk] in others ʒil - lɑr year-PL LOC [-back] bæl-dæ waist-LOC køl-dæ lake-LOC [+back] bɑl - dɑ honey-LOC jol- dɑ road-LOC

• The most common Suffix Backness Word Gloss harmonic alternation PL [-back] bæl-lær waist-PL is [æ]~[ɑ] køl-lær lake-PL si-lær you-PL • initial [i] triggers [-bk] [+back] bɑl - lɑr face-PL suffixes in some jol- lɑr road-PL lexemes, but [+bk] ʒil - lɑr year-PL suffixes in others LOC [-back] bæl-dæ waist-LOC køl-dæ lake-LOC [+back] bɑl - dɑ honey-LOC jol- dɑ road-LOC

• The most common Suffix Backness Word Gloss harmonic alternation PL [-back] bæl-lær waist-PL is [æ]~[ɑ] køl-lær lake-PL si-lær you-PL • initial [i] triggers [-bk] [+back] bɑl - lɑr face-PL suffixes in some jol- lɑr road-PL lexemes, but [+bk] ʒil - lɑr year-PL suffixes in others LOC [-back] bæl-dæ waist-LOC køl-dæ lake-LOC [+back] bɑl - dɑ honey-LOC jol- dɑ road-LOC

• Non-initial /i/ vowels come in 3 types: underlying, epenthetic, and derived Suffix type Backness Word Gloss Underlying [-back] xæt-imiz-dæ letter-POSS.1P-LOC [+back] ɑt -imiz- dɑ horse-POSS.1P-LOC Epenthetic [-back] sællæ-m-dæ turban-POSS.1S-LOC xæt-im-dæ letter-POSS.1S-LOC [+back] ɑt -im- dɑ horse-POSS.1S-LOC

• Non-initial /i/ vowels come in 3 types: underlying, epenthetic, and derived Suffix type Backness Word Gloss Underlying [-back] xæt-imiz-dæ letter-POSS.1P-LOC [+back] ɑt -imiz- dɑ horse-POSS.1P-LOC Epenthetic [-back] sællæ-m-dæ turban-POSS.1S-LOC xæt-im-dæ letter-POSS.1S-LOC [+back] ɑt -im- dɑ horse-POSS.1S-LOC

• Non-initial /i/ vowels come in 3 types: underlying, epenthetic, and derived Suffix type Backness Word Gloss Underlying [-back] xæt-imiz-dæ letter-POSS.1P-LOC [+back] ɑt -imiz- dɑ horse-POSS.1P-LOC Epenthetic [-back] sællæ-m-dæ turban-POSS.1S-LOC xæt-im-dæ letter-POSS.1S-LOC [+back] ɑt -im- dɑ horse-POSS.1S-LOC

• Transparent vowels may also derive from low vowel raising • In medial open syllables, low vowels raise to [+hi] Backness Word Gloss [-back] sællæ turban sælli-lær turban-PL sælli-lir-imiz-dæ turban-PL-POSS.1P-LOC [+back] pɑltɑ axe pɑlti - lɑr axe-PL pɑlti -lir-imiz- dɑ axe-PL-POSS.1P-LOC Hahn 1991; Vaux 2001; Yakup 2005

• Transparent vowels may also derive from low vowel raising • In medial open syllables, low vowels raise to [+hi] Backness Word Gloss [-back] sællæ turban sælli-lær turban-PL sælli-lir-imiz-dæ turban-PL-POSS.1P-LOC [+back] pɑltɑ axe pɑlti - lɑr axe-PL pɑlti -lir-imiz- dɑ axe-PL-POSS.1P-LOC Hahn 1991; Vaux 2001; Yakup 2005

• Transparent vowels may also derive from low vowel raising • In medial open syllables, low vowels raise to [+hi] Backness Word Gloss [-back] sællæ turban sælli-lær turban-PL sælli-lir-imiz-dæ turban-PL-POSS.1P-LOC [+back] pɑltɑ axe pɑlti - lɑr axe-PL pɑlti -lir-imiz- dɑ axe-PL-POSS.1P-LOC Hahn 1991; Vaux 2001; Yakup 2005

• Transparent vowels may also derive from low vowel raising • In medial open syllables, low vowels raise to [+hi] Backness Word Gloss [-back] sællæ turban sælli-lær turban-PL sælli-lir-imiz-dæ turban-PL-POSS.1P-LOC [+back] pɑltɑ axe pɑlti - lɑr axe-PL pɑlti -lir-imiz- dɑ axe-PL-POSS.1P-LOC Hahn 1991; Vaux 2001; Yakup 2005

• Is /ɨ/ in the Uyghur inventory? • A number of analyses argue for the inventory below: • But they contend that /ɨ/ never surfaces due to an absolute neutralization rule, |ɨ| → [ i]. -back +back -round +round -round +round +high i y ɨ u -high, -low (e) ø o +low æ ɑ Linblad 1990; Hahn 1991; Yakup 2005; see also Vago 1973, 1976

• Is /ɨ/ in the Uyghur inventory? • Vaux argues that /ɨ/ is not part of the inventory. • Since /ɨ/ is not in the inventory, / i/ is unspecified for [back]. • Uyghur spreads only [-back]; [+back] is assigned late in the derivation -back +back -round +round -round +round +high i y u -high, -low (e) ø o +low æ ɑ Linblad 1990; Hahn 1991; Yakup 2005; see also Vago 1973, 1976

Analysis Abstract /ɨ/ Non-contrastive [i ]~[ɨ] Contrastive /i/- /ɨ/ Size of vowel 9 at UR, 8 at UR and SR 9 at UR and SR inventory 8 at SR Harmony Binary Unary spreading of Spreading from all characteristics spreading of [-back] from vowels [±back] from all contrastive vowels vowels Transparency Yes Yes No Lindblad 1990 Vaux 2001

Analysis Abstract /ɨ/ Non-contrastive [i ]~[ɨ] Contrastive /i/- /ɨ/ Size of vowel 9 at UR, 8 at UR and SR 9 at UR and SR inventory 8 at SR Harmony Binary Unary spreading of Spreading from all characteristics spreading of [-back] from vowels [±back] from all contrastive vowels vowels Transparency Yes Yes No Lindblad 1990 Vaux 2001

Analysis Abstract /ɨ/ Non-contrastive [i ]~[ɨ] Contrastive /i/- /ɨ/ Size of vowel 9 at UR, 8 at UR and SR 9 at UR and SR inventory 8 at SR Harmony Binary Unary spreading of Spreading from all characteristics spreading of [-back] from vowels [±back] from all contrastive vowels vowels Transparency Yes Yes No Lindblad 1990 Vaux 2001 This presentation