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Entailment above the word level in distributional semantics Marco Baroni University of Trento Raffaella Bernardi University of Trento Ngoc-Quynh Do EM LCT, Free University of Bozen-Bolzano Chung-chieh Shan Cornell University, University of


  1. Entailment above the word level in distributional semantics Marco Baroni University of Trento Raffaella Bernardi University of Trento Ngoc-Quynh Do EM LCT, Free University of Bozen-Bolzano Chung-chieh Shan Cornell University, University of Tsukuba EACL 25 April 2012

  2. ✒ ✒ Summary Entailment among composite phrases rather than nouns. (Cheap training data!) Entailment among logical words rather than content words. (Part of Recognizing Textual Entailment?) Different entailment relations at different semantic types. (Prediction from formal semantics.) 2/17

  3. ✒ ✒ Summary Entailment among composite phrases rather than nouns. (Cheap training data!) Entailment among logical words rather than content words. (Part of Recognizing Textual Entailment?) Different entailment relations at different semantic types. (Prediction from formal semantics.) train test AN = = N N = = N big cat cat dog animal 2/17

  4. ✒ ✒ Summary Entailment among composite phrases rather than nouns. (Cheap training data!) Entailment among logical words rather than content words. (Part of Recognizing Textual Entailment?) Different entailment relations at different semantic types. (Prediction from formal semantics.) AN = = N N = = N big cat cat dog animal train test QN = = QN QN = = QN many dogs some dogs all cats several cats 2/17

  5. ✒ ✒ Summary Entailment among composite phrases rather than nouns. (Cheap training data!) Entailment among logical words rather than content words. (Part of Recognizing Textual Entailment?) Different entailment relations at different semantic types . (Prediction from formal semantics.) AN = = N N = = N train big cat cat dog animal × test QN = = QN QN = = QN many dogs some dogs all cats several cats 2/17

  6. Approaches to semantics “In order to say what a meaning is , we may first ask what a meaning does , and then find something that does that.” —David Lewis 3/17

  7. Approaches to semantics “In order to say what a meaning is , we may first ask what a meaning does , and then find something that does that.” —David Lewis Truth, entailment Every person cried. � Every professor cried. A person cried. � A professor cried. Formal semantics ∀ x . Px → Cx λ g . ∀ x . Px → gx C λ f . λ g . ∀ x . fx → gx P 3/17

  8. Approaches to semantics “In order to say what a meaning is , we may first ask what a meaning does , and then find something that does that.” —David Lewis Concepts, similarity ambulance ∼ battleship ambulance ≁ bookstore Distributional semantics l a c n n i m o i m t d e p y n o t d e a d i l a c i b b b c c a a a a a . . . ambulance 27 10 50 17 130  . . .  battleship 35 0 32 1 25 . . .     bookstore 5 0 6 33 13 . . .   . . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/17

  9. 4/17

  10. Distributional semantics for entailment among words For each word w , rank contexts c by descending Pr ( c | w ) > 1. Pr ( c ) “pointwise mutual information” 5/17

  11. Distributional semantics for entailment among words For each word w , rank contexts c by descending Pr ( c | w ) > 1. Pr ( c ) “pointwise mutual information” parent argcount n arglist n arglist j phane n specity n qdisc n carthy n parents-to-be n non-resident j step-parent n tc n ballons n eliza n symptons n adoptive j stepparent n nonresident j home-school n scabrid n petiolule n . . . person anglia n first-mentioned j unascertained j enure v deposit-taking j bonis n iconclass j cotswolds n aforesaid n haver v foresaid j gha n sub-paragraphs n enacted j geest j non-medicinal j sub-paragraph n intimation n arrestment n incumbrance n . . . professor william n extraordinarius n ordinarius n francis n reid n emeritus n emeritus j derwent n regius n laurence n edward n carisoprodol n adjunct j winston n privatdozent j edward j xanax n tenure v cialis n florence n . . . 5/17

  12. Distributional semantics for entailment among words parent-person professor-person Context overlap with word 2 person-parent 3000 professor-parent 2000 person-professor parent-professor 1000 0 0 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000 Context rank of word 1 6/17

  13. Distributional semantics for entailment among words t ⊆ parent-person c e f professor-person r Context overlap with word 2 e p person-parent 3000 professor-parent 2000 person-professor parent-professor 1000 0 0 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000 Context rank of word 1 6/17

  14. Distributional semantics for entailment among words t ⊆ parent-person c e f professor-person r Context overlap with word 2 e p person-parent 3000 professor-parent 2000 person-professor parent-professor 1000 0 0 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000 Context rank of word 1 Better: skew divergence (Lee), balAPinc (Kotlerman et al.), . . . 6/17

  15. Above the word level Phrases have corpus distributions too! N cat AN white cat QN every cat 7/17

  16. Above the word level Phrases have corpus distributions too! But N ≈ AN �≈ QN Syntactic category N cat N AN white cat N QN every cat QP 7/17

  17. Above the word level Phrases have corpus distributions too! But N ≈ AN �≈ QN Syntactic category Semantic type e → t N cat N AN white cat N e → t QN every cat QP ( e → t ) → t 7/17

  18. Above the word level Phrases have corpus distributions too! But N ≈ AN �≈ QN Syntactic category Semantic type e → t N cat N AN white cat N e → t e → t AAN big white cat N QN every cat QP ( e → t ) → t ( e → t ) → t QAN every big cat QP * AQN big every cat * QQN some every cat 7/17

  19. ✒ ✒ Our questions Entailment among composite phrases rather than nouns? Entailment among logical words rather than content words? Different entailment relations at different semantic types? train test AN = = N N = = N big cat cat dog animal × QN = = QN QN = = QN many dogs some dogs all cats several cats 8/17

  20. ✒ ✒ Our questions Entailment among composite phrases rather than nouns? Entailment among logical words rather than content words? Different entailment relations at different semantic types? AN = = N N = = N big cat cat dog animal × train test QN = = QN QN = = QN many dogs some dogs all cats several cats 8/17

  21. ✒ ✒ Our questions Entailment among composite phrases rather than nouns? Entailment among logical words rather than content words? Different entailment relations at different semantic types? AN = = N = = N N N N train big cat cat dog animal × test QN = = QN = = QN QN QN QN many dogs some dogs all cats several cats 8/17

  22. Our semantic space BNC, WackyPedia, ukWaC TreeTagger (Schmid) lemmatized, POS-tagged tokens (2.8G) words and phrases in the same sentence most frequent A, N, V (27K)   AN QN     A #( c , w )     Q   N     (48K) 9/17

  23. Our semantic space BNC, WackyPedia, ukWaC TreeTagger (Schmid) lemmatized, POS-tagged tokens (2.8G) words and phrases in the same sentence most frequent A, N, V (27K) (300)       AN QN       log Pr ( c | w )       U ˜ A PMI SVD #( c , w ) Σ             Q Pr ( c )       N             (48K) 9/17

  24. Our semantic space BNC, WackyPedia, ukWaC TreeTagger (Schmid) lemmatized, POS-tagged tokens (2.8G) words and phrases in the same sentence most frequent A, N, V (27K) (300)       AN QN       log Pr ( c | w )       U ˜ A PMI SVD #( c , w ) Σ             Q Pr ( c )       N             (48K) cosine balAPinc frequency SVM baseline baseline 9/17

  25. Our entailment classifiers     log Pr ( c | w )   PMI     Pr ( c )       10/17

  26. Our entailment classifiers     log Pr ( c | w )   PMI     Pr ( c )       10/17

  27. Our entailment classifiers     log Pr ( c | w )   PMI     Pr ( c )       ? ⊆ 10/17

  28. Our entailment classifiers     log Pr ( c | w )   PMI     Pr ( c )       ? ⊆ balAPinc (Kotlerman et al.) 10/17

  29. Our entailment classifiers     log Pr ( c | w )   PMI     Pr ( c )       ? ⊆ 0 ≤ balAPinc ≤ 1 > threshold? 10/17

  30. Our entailment classifiers   Train Test   log Pr ( c | w )   PMI AN � N N � N     QN � QN QN � QN Pr ( c )     AN � N QN � QN   ? ⊆ 0 ≤ balAPinc ≤ 1 > threshold? 10/17

  31. Our entailment classifiers         log Pr ( c | w )     PMI SVD U ˜     Σ     Pr ( c )             ? ⊆ 0 ≤ balAPinc ≤ 1 SVM (cubic) outperformed naïve Bayes, k NN > threshold? 10/17

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