Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology s 1 Aleksei Nazarov 2 Ga - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s1 Aleksei Nazarov2

1Harvard University

begus@fas.harvard.edu

2University of Huddersfield

a.nazarov@hud.ac.uk

5th Annual Meeting on Phonology New York University September 15-17, 2017

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 1 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Gradient phonotactics

Two aspects of OT widely discussed:

How to represent gradient phonotactic restrictions

(Frisch et al. 2004, Antilla 2008, Coetzee and Pater 2008, Wilson and Obdeyn 2009)

How to represent unnatural processes

(Hayes 1999, Buckley 2000, Hyman 2001, Blevins 2004, 2008, Yu 2004, Wilson 2006, Hale and Reiss 2008, Coetzee and Pretorius 2010, Becker et

• al. 2011, White 2013, Hayes and White 2013)

No systematic treatment of the intersection: unnatural gradient phonotactics Can gradient phonotactic restrictions operate in the phonetically unnatural direction? Tarma Quechua stop voicing

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 2 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Naturalness

A new division of naturalness Phonetic tendencies are enforced by contradicted by natural processes ✓ ✗ unmotivated processes ✗ ✗ unnatural processes ✗ ✓

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 3 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Literature so far

Unnatural categorical process: post-nasal devoicing, confirmed in Tswana with wug-tests (Coetzee and Pretorius 2010) Most other processes discussed are in fact unmotivated Some processes labeled as “unnatural” in Hayes and White (2013)

“No [T,D] before stressless rounded vowels” *   +COR +cont −strid  

• −stress

+round

• “No [Z] before stressed vowel + obstruent”

*   +cont +voice −ant  +stress−son

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 4 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Outline

1

Introduction

2

Background

3

Data

4

Origins

5

Synchronic implications

6

Conclusions

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 5 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Tarma

TQ a dialect of Quechua spoken in Tarma, Jun´ ın, Peru

(Adelaar 1977, Puente Baldoceda 1977)

Distribution of [±voice] in [DOR] and [LAB] stops Adelaar (1977): [+voice]: intervocalically, post-consonantally, but not post-nasally

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 6 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Data

From Adelaar (1977): b, g / C ; C = N b, g / V V p, k / elsewhere # [pirwa] R, T [rikra] N [wampu] V V [kuba] R, T [takba] Adelaar (1977) offers no further descriptions on the distribution

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 7 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Data

From Adelaar (1977): b, g / C ; C = N b, g / V V p, k / elsewhere # [pirwa] R, T [rikra] N [wampu] V V [kuba] R, T [takba] Adelaar (1977) offers no further descriptions on the distribution

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 7 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Data

From Adelaar (1977): b, g / C ; C = N b, g / V V p, k / elsewhere # [pirwa] R, T [rikra] N [wampu] V V [kuba] R, T [takba] Adelaar (1977) offers no further descriptions on the distribution

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 7 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Data

Lexical, phonetic, and morphophonological analysis Unnatural gradient phonotactic restrictions

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 8 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Data

Distribution of voicing Native vocabulary from Adelaar (1977) Counts:

All tokens with [DOR] or [LAB] in TQ vocabulary (Adelaar 1977) 1199 tokens: 910 in native vocabulary, 289 in loans from Spanish Each data point was annotated for presence or absence of voicing, place of articulation of the stop (labial or velar), and position in the word

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 9 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Data

Counts: # N V V R T voiced 7 7 99 72 68 voiceless 276 67 134 13 11 % voiced 2.5 9.5 42.5 84.7 86.1

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 10 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Data

Logistic regression model: Est. SE z value Pr(>|z|) (Intercept)

• 0.045

0.172

• 0.260

0.7952 V V vs. R 2.044 0.332 6.164 0.0000 V V vs. T 2.155 0.353 6.101 0.0000 V V vs. N

• 1.884

0.421

• 4.478

0.0000 V V vs. #

• 3.437

0.407

• 8.437

0.0000 velar vs. labial

• 0.502

0.214

• 2.344

0.0191

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 11 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Data

25 50 75 # N V V R T

Position % voiced

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 12 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Data

25 50 75 # N V V R T

Position % voiced

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 13 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Data

25 50 75 # N V V R T

Position % voiced

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 14 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Data

Universal tendencies for [+voice] Observed significant trends in TQ T < V V V V < T T < N N < V V < T

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 15 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Data

Another locus of unnaturalness: TT sequences

1st member 2nd member Labial Velar t lutbi mutgi Ù / aÙga > úù a> úùba ma> úùga k takba / s Ùasbu > úùasgi S kaSbi iSgi x saxbi manexax-gunas l Ùilbi Ùilgi r karba argu j ajba ajga w kawbu awgis

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 16 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Data

Second-element stops (labial and velar) are significantly more frequently voiced (as opposed to voiceless) in clusters with a voiceless first element in TQ native vocabulary (β = 1.8, z = 5.6, p < 0.0001) TT TD DT DD Count 11 68 Percent 13.9% 86.1% 0% 0% All effects thus far remain even if we add loanwords to the models

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 17 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Data

Phonetic analysis Recordings by Willem Adelaar, analyzed in Praat (Boersma and Weenink 2015)

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 18 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

[atbi]

749.5 atbi Time (s) 18.81 19.04 5000 Frequency (Hz)

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 19 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

[akba]

akba Time (s) 88.52 88.78 5000 Frequency (Hz) 129.8 5000 Frequency (Hz)

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 20 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

[ukba]

88.78 ukba Time (s) 129.8 130.1 5000 Frequency (Hz)

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 21 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Data

After fricatives

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 22 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

[asba]

asba Time (s) 153.2 153.5 5000 Frequency (Hz) 603.7 5000 Frequency (Hz)

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 23 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

[asga]

153.5 asga Time (s) 603.7 603.9 5000 Frequency (Hz)

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 24 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Data

After nasals Unaspirated

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 25 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

[ampa]

ampa Time (s) 42.17 42.39 5000 Frequency (Hz) 112.5 5000 Frequency (Hz)

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 26 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

[aNki]

42.39 anki Time (s) 112.5 112.9 5000 Frequency (Hz)

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 27 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Productivity

Alternating suffixes

• ba/-pa ‘genitive’
• bax/-pax ‘purposive’
• bita/-pita ‘procedentive’
• bis/-pis ‘even, too’

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 28 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Productivity

Alternating suffixes

• ba/-pa ‘genitive’
• bax/-pax ‘purposive’
• bita/-pita ‘procedentive’
• bis/-pis ‘even, too’

Intervocalic wawxi-gi-ba wayi-n ‘the house of your brother’ Post-nasal wayi-n-pa pasa-un ‘we’re going to walk by way of his house’ Post-obstruent tamya-ya-n nuqa-ntik-baq ‘it is raining now for us’ (Creider 1968:12-13)

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 28 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Productivity

Alternating suffixes

• ba/-pa ‘genitive’
• bax/-pax ‘purposive’
• bita/-pita ‘procedentive’
• bis/-pis ‘even, too’

Intervocalic wawxi-gi-ba wayi-n ‘the house of your brother’ Post-nasal wayi-n-pa pasa-un ‘we’re going to walk by way of his house’ Post-obstruent tamya-ya-n nuqa-ntik-baq ‘it is raining now for us’ (Creider 1968:12-13)

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 28 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Productivity

Alternating suffixes

• ba/-pa ‘genitive’
• bax/-pax ‘purposive’
• bita/-pita ‘procedentive’
• bis/-pis ‘even, too’

Intervocalic wawxi-gi-ba wayi-n ‘the house of your brother’ Post-nasal wayi-n-pa pasa-un ‘we’re going to walk by way of his house’ Post-obstruent tamya-ya-n nuqa-ntik-baq ‘it is raining now for us’ (Creider 1968:12-13)

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 28 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Productivity

Alternating suffixes

• ba/-pa ‘genitive’
• bax/-pax ‘purposive’
• bita/-pita ‘procedentive’
• bis/-pis ‘even, too’

Intervocalic wawxi-gi-ba wayi-n ‘the house of your brother’ Post-nasal wayi-n-pa pasa-un ‘we’re going to walk by way of his house’ Post-obstruent tamya-ya-n nuqa-ntik-baq ‘it is raining now for us’ (Creider 1968:12-13)

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 28 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Productivity

Loanwords:

• Sp. cuculi > kuguli: ‘white-winged dove’
• Sp. cotpe > kutbi ‘an animal from the mountains’
• Sp. sauco > sawgu ‘magic tree’
• Sp. vaca > wa:ga ‘cow’

In two loanwords, a Spanish voiced intervocalic stop devoices to a TQ voiceless stop (data from Adelaar 1977).

• Sp. taruga > taruka ‘deer’
• Sp. dios se lo pague > jusulpa:ki ‘thank you’

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 29 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Outline

1

Introduction

2

Background

3

Data

4

Origins

5

Synchronic implications

6

Conclusions

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 30 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Origins of TQ stop voicing

How did this phonotactic restriction arise? Context Voicing Labial Velar Pre-TQ TQ Pre-TQ TQ # ✗ *pirwa pirwa *kawa kawa N ✗ *wampu wampu *ÙiNka ÙiNka V V ✓ *kupa kuba *Ùaki Ùagi R,T ✓ *takpa takba *kuÙka kuÙga The most intriguing aspect about this hypothetical sound change is that this unnatural voicing operates gradiently rather than categorically with different rates of application across different environments.

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 31 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Origins of TQ stop voicing

A diachronic device for explaining unnatural processes: Blurring Process (Beguˇ s 2016) A > B / X natural B > A / X unnatural

• a. A set of segments enters complementary distribution
• b. A sound change occurs that operates on the

changed/unchanged subset of those segments

• c. Another sound change occurs that blurs the original

complementary distribution

Blurring Cycle B > C / −X B > A C > B Blurring Chain B > C / X C > D D > A

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 32 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Origins of TQ stop voicing

Blurring Chain in Tarma Quechua T > S / [-nas,-#] p > F / [-nas,-#] S > Z / V F > B / V Z > D B > b Blurring Chain in Tarma Quechua # V V N T 1. pirwa kupa wampu takpa 2. pirwa kuFa wampu takFa 3. pirwa kuBa wampu takBa 4. pirwa kuba wampu takba

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 33 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Distribution

25 50 75 # N V V R T

Position % voiced

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 34 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Origins of TQ stop voicing

Support from dialectal data: Fricativization of voiceless stops in Cusco Quechua

*aptay > [haxwtay] *upyay > [uxyay]

Aspiration and fricativization in Imbabura Quechua

Proto-Quechua *paki > *phaki > Imbabura Quechua [faki] Proto Quechua *qipa > *khipa > Imbabura Quechua [xipa]

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 35 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

[ubi]

ubi Time (s) 14.71 14.81 5000 Frequency (Hz) 886.7 5000 Frequency (Hz)

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 36 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

[atbi]

14.81 atbi Time (s) 886.7 887 5000 Frequency (Hz)

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 37 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Outline

1

Introduction

2

Background

3

Data

4

Origins

5

Synchronic implications

6

Conclusions

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 38 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Synchronic implications

Deriving typology one of the main advantages of OT Harmonic Grammar (HG) with numerically weighted constraints well-suited for gradient processes (Pater 2009) MaxEnt: Probability distribution over candidates (Goldwater and Johnson 2003) Problem that HG approach faces: the derivation of unnatural processes

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 39 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Synchronic implications

OT with restricted Con: factorial typology, unnatural processes unattested (a desired prediction for final voicing) HG: An additional aspect of the predictive power of HG under the restricted Con hypothesis that has gone largely unnoticed in the literature:

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 40 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Synchronic implications

OT with restricted Con: factorial typology, unnatural processes unattested (a desired prediction for final voicing) HG: An additional aspect of the predictive power of HG under the restricted Con hypothesis that has gone largely unnoticed in the literature:

Natural elements in a given environment will always be more frequent than unnatural ones

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 40 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Synchronic implications

OT with restricted Con: factorial typology, unnatural processes unattested (a desired prediction for final voicing) HG: An additional aspect of the predictive power of HG under the restricted Con hypothesis that has gone largely unnoticed in the literature:

Natural elements in a given environment will always be more frequent than unnatural ones

If we allow only natural constraints into Con, we can only derive systems with gradient phonotactic restrictions in which the natural element in a given context is more frequent than the unnatural element

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 40 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Synchronic implications

E.g. Final Voicing

• Restr. Con: *D# ✓

*T# ✗ Let us assume that all inputs have a uniform prior probability HG: P(/T#/) = P(/D#/) = 0.5 If the faithfulness constraint (F) Ident-IO(voi) has a positive infinite weight and the markedness constraint (M) *D# has a finite weight, the phonotactic probabilities of [T#] and [D#] (P([T#] and P([D#]) are both 0.5. If the markedness constraint is weighted finitely lower than, or even higher than the faithfulness constraint, the phonotactic probability of [T#] will be greater than that of [D#]

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 41 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Synchronic implications

With restricted Con, no weighting exists that would yield a system in which the unnatural feature value has a greater posterior probability than the natural one in a given context w(F) − w(M) = ∞: P(nat) = P(unnat) = 0.5 w(F) − w(M) < ∞: P(nat) > P(unnat)

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 42 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Synchronic implications

Natural Gradience Bias (NGB) HG with restricted Con predicts that the probability of the natural feature value in a given environment is always equal or grater than the probability of the unnatural value in a given environment.

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 43 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Synchronic implications

NGB correctly predicts the major typological trend with regard to gradient phonotactic restrictions: all cases reported previously indeed operate in the natural direction

As trends in the lexicon, e.g., Berkley 2000, Pater and Coetzee 2008, Anttila 2008 As tacit phonotactic knowledge obtained from experiments, e.g. Albright 2009

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 44 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Synchronic implications

However, the Tarma Quechua systems of stop voicing presented in this paper suggest that HG with restricted Con undergenerates The natural constraints *NT and *T[-voice] will not be able to give [NT] a higher probability than [ND], or [TD] a higher probability than [TT] This, in turn suggests, that Con must contain some unnatural Markedness constraints. Other such cases: Berawan (Beguˇ s and Nazarov 2017) If we admit all constraints into Con, how to encode rarity of some processes?

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 45 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Conclusions and future directions

A case of unnatural gradient phonotactic restriction Lexical counts, phonetic analysis, signs of productivity Unnatural gradient phonotactic restrictions find natural origin: Blurring Chain Synchronic implications: NGB A challenge to restricted Con Further experimental work Other such cases

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 46 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

References

Adelaar, Willem F. H. 1977. Tarma Quechua: Grammar, texts, dictionary. Ph.

• D. dissertation, University of Amsterdam.

Albright, Adam and Youngah Do. 2017.A substantive bias for perceptually minimal alternations in Artificial Grammar learning. Presentation at 14th Old World Conference on Phonology in D¨ usseldorf, Germany on February 20-22, 2017. Beguˇ s, Gaˇ

• sper. 2016. Post-Nasal Devoicing and a Probabilistic Model of

Phonological Typology. Ms., Harvard University. Beguˇ s, Gaˇ sper and Aleksei Nazarov. 2017. Lexicon against naturalness: Unnatural gradient phonotactic restrictions and their origins. Ms., Harvard University. Blevins, Juliette. 2004. Evolutionary Phonology. Cambridge: CUP. Bloyd, Tobias. 2017. Synchronic intervocalic fortition in Sula: a counter-universal. Presentation at LSA 2017 Annual Meeting in Austin, TX on January 5-8, 2017. Blust, Robert. 2005. Must sound change be linguistically motivated? Diachronica 22 (2): 219–269.

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 47 / 53

Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

References

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Dickens, Patrick J. 1984. The History of So-Called Strengthening in Tswana. Journal of African Languages and Linguistics 6:97–125.

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References

Do, Youngah, Elizabeth Zsiga, and Jonathan Havenhill. 2016. Naturalness and frequency in implicit phonological learning. Talk presented at the 90th Annual Meeting of the Linguistic Society of America, Washington, DC, January 7-10. Efron, Bradley. 1979. Bootstrap Methods: Another Look at the Jackknife. The Annals of Statistics 7(1): 1-26. Hayes, Bruce. 1999. Phonetically-driven phonology: The role of Optimality Theory and inductive grounding. In Michael Darnell, Edith Moravscik, Michael Noonan, Frederick Newmeyer, and Kathleen Wheatly (eds.), Functionalism and Formalism in Linguistics, Volume I: General Papers,

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Hyman, Larry M. 2001. The Limits of Phonetic Determinism in Phonology: *NC Revisited. In The Role of Speech Perception in Phonology, edited by Elizabeth Hume and Keith Johnson, 141-186. San Diego, CA: Academic Press. Janson, Tore (1991/1992). Southern Bantu and Makua. Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 12/13, 1–44.

Gaˇ sper Beguˇ s, Aleksei Nazarov Harvard University and University of Huddersfield Unnatural and Lexically Gradient Phonology 49 / 53

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References

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Introduction Background Data Origins Synchronic implications Conclusions

Thank you!

* We would like to thank Willem Adelaar, Adam Albright, Gaja Jarosz, Jay Jasanoff, Sasha Lubotsky, Joe Pater, and Kevin Ryan for their useful comments

• n various versions of this work. All mistakes are our own. This research is

partially funded by Mind Brain Behavior interfaculty initiative at Harvard University.

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