Sub- & Cross-Phonemic Priming in Vowel Shadowing 1. Memory - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

sub cross phonemic priming in vowel shadowing
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Sub- & Cross-Phonemic Priming in Vowel Shadowing 1. Memory - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

Sub- & Cross-Phonemic Priming in Vowel Shadowing 1. Memory Types and Respresentation of Language 2. Experiment-Setup 3. Results 1. Sub-Phonemic 2. Cross-Phonemic 4. Explanation 1. Exemplar Model 2. Sub-Phonemic 1.


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SLIDE 1
  • 1. Memory Types and Respresentation of Language
  • 2. Experiment-Setup
  • 3. Results

1. Sub-Phonemic 2. Cross-Phonemic

  • 4. Explanation

1. Exemplar Model 2. Sub-Phonemic 1. Early-Articulation 2. Planning-Interaction 3. Cross-Phonemic

Sub- & Cross-Phonemic Priming in Vowel Shadowing

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SLIDE 2
  • 1. Memory Types and Respresentation of Language
  • 2. Experiment-Setup
  • 3. Results

1. Sub-Phonemic 2. Cross-Phonemic

  • 4. Explanation

1. Exemplar Model 2. Sub-Phonemic 1. Early-Articulation 2. Planning-Interaction 3. Cross-Phonemic

Sub- & Cross-Phonemic Priming in Vowel Shadowing

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SLIDE 3
  • brain remembers phonetic detail of utterances
  • store seperate speech events

earlier:

  • brain abstracts away from speaker/utterance-specific details and
  • store abstract lexical items

“tree” [t̪ɹiː] “leave” [l ̴iːv]

today:

Memory

[tʰʀi] [t̪ɹiː] [tʀi] [tʰri] [t̪riː] [tɹiː] “tree” [l ̴iːv] [liːv] [liːf] [l ̴iv] “leave”

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SLIDE 4

Perceptual Memory:

  • long-term memory for visual, auditory and other perceptual information

Motor Memory:

  • overt conscious appreciation of memory not necessary
  • tasks done automatically without paying attention

Memory

Question: when and how are perceptual representations mapped to motor representations?

[tʰʀi] [t̪ɹiː] [tʀi] [tʰri] [t̪riː] [tɹiː] “tree” [tʀi] [t̪ɹiː] vocal tract shaping vocal tract shaping “tree” [t̪ɹiː] recent perceptions: not influence production recent perceptions: may influence production

⇒ ⇒

repr repr

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SLIDE 5
  • 1. Memory Types and Respresentation of Language
  • 2. Experiment-Setup
  • 3. Results

1. Sub-Phonemic 2. Cross-Phonemic

  • 4. Explanation

1. Exemplar Model 2. Sub-Phonemic 1. Early-Articulation 2. Planning-Interaction 3. Cross-Phonemic

Sub- & Cross-Phonemic Priming in Vowel Shadowing

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SLIDE 6

Basic Idea

to be examined:

  • how do episodic memories (exemplars) influence speech production

Question:

  • influence of recent perception of subphonemic details on subsequent production

[a]* [a]*

produce [a] Do people produce more centralized /a/ when hearing centralized [a]* prime than when hearing a normal [a] prime?

?

/ do they play a r

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SLIDE 7

Experiment Set-Up

General Setup participants: American task: repeat last vowel as quick as possible cue: target: stimuli: beep, [a], [i], [a]*, [i]* beep, [a], [i] (12 participants: 6m, 6f) trials: 25-40 blocks, each 32 trials concordant: discordant: control: cue = target cue ≠ target no cue subphonemic differences between [a]/[i] and [a]*/[i]* condition: within-subject

white noise cue target reponse

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SLIDE 8
  • 1. Memory Types and Respresentation of Language
  • 2. Experiment-Setup
  • 3. Results

1. Sub-Phonemic 2. Cross-Phonemic

  • 4. Explanation

1. Exemplar Model 2. Sub-Phonemic 1. Early-Articulation 2. Planning-Interaction 3. Cross-Phonemic

Sub- & Cross-Phonemic Priming in Vowel Shadowing

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SLIDE 9

Centralization for [a]: F2 higher + F1 lower Centralization for [i]: F2 lower + F1 higher

Results - Subphonemic Effects

  • significant mean F1, F2 differences between normal and centralized

concordant trials:

  • most: trend for centralization
  • some: trend against centralization
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SLIDE 10

Results - Subphonemic Effects

Centralization for [a]: F2 higher + F1 lower Centralization for [i]: F2 lower + F1 higher

  • significant mean F1, F2 differences between normal and centralized

concordant trials:

  • most: trend for centralization
  • some: trend against centralization
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SLIDE 11

Results - Subphonemic Effects

Centralization for [a]: F2 higher + F1 lower Centralization for [i]: F2 lower + F1 higher

  • most: trend for centralization
  • some: trend against centralization
  • significant mean F1, F2 differences between normal and centralized

different patterns: control similar to normal control notacibly distinct from normal control between normal and centralized

concordant trials:

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SLIDE 12

[a]

[a]-F1

  • most: negligable differences in F1
  • some: rel. lower F1 in first half (→ centralization)
  • some: rel. higher F1 in some parts

[a]-F2

  • most: higher contours (→ centralization)

Centralization for [a]: F2 higher + F1 lower — normal

central

different patterns: begin and remain central begin central, eventually converge begin near, then diverge (and reconverge)

Results - Subphonemic Effects

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SLIDE 13

[i]

[i]-F1

  • most: clear centralization, esp. first half

[i]-F2

  • most: centralization
  • some: more peripheral

Centralization for [i]: F2 lower + F1 higher — normal

central

different patterns: begin and remain central begin central, eventually converge begin near, then diverge (and reconverge)

Results - Subphonemic Effects

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SLIDE 14

Results - Crossphonemic Effects

Dissimilation for [a]: F2 lower + F1 higher Dissimilation for [i]: F2 higher + F1 lower

  • dissimilation

[a] cue + [a] → [a] (nearer to i) [i] cue + [a] → [a] (further from i)

  • significant mean F1, F2 differences between concordant and discordant

concordant vs. discordant:

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SLIDE 15

Results - Crossphonemic Effects

Dissimilation for [a]: F2 lower + F1 higher Dissimilation for [i]: F2 higher + F1 lower different patterns: control similar to concordant control similar to discordant control between concordant and discordant

  • dissimilation

[a] cue + [a] → [a] (nearer to i) [i] cue + [a] → [a] (further from i)

  • significant mean F1, F2 differences between concordant and discordant
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SLIDE 16
  • separation-conver
  • pr

initially similar

[a]-F1

  • most: negligable differences in F1
  • some: rel. higher F1 (→ dissimilation)
  • some: rel. lower F1 in first half (→ assimilation)

[a]-F2

  • most: lower contours (→ dissimilation)

Dissimilation for [a]: F2 lower + F1 higher

different patterns: begin and remain dissimilar begin dissimilar, eventually converge begin near, then diverge (and reconverge)

[a] — concordant

discordant

Results - Crossphonemic Effects

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SLIDE 17

Dissimilation for [i]: F2 higher + F1 lower

different patterns: begin and remain dissimilar begin dissimilar, eventually converge begin near, then diverge (and reconverge)

[i] — concordant

discordant

[i]-F1

  • most: clear dissimilation, esp. first half

[i]-F2

  • most: dissimilation
  • some: assimilation

Results - Crossphonemic Effects

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SLIDE 18
  • 1. Memory Types and Respresentation of Language
  • 2. Experiment-Setup
  • 3. Results

1. Sub-Phonemic 2. Cross-Phonemic

  • 4. Explanation

1. Exemplar Model 2. Sub-Phonemic 1. Early-Articulation 2. Planning-Interaction 3. Cross-Phonemic

Sub- & Cross-Phonemic Priming in Vowel Shadowing

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SLIDE 19

Explanation - Exemplar Theory

exemplar theory

  • individual speech utterances are stored in the mind as seperate examples
  • exemplars are activated during production and perception

→ lexical representation: during perception: identification of words: relative activation level in candidate distribution

  • distributions of remembered exemplars
  • updated by experiences of individual percepts

exemplar:

  • set of associations between auditory properties and category labels
  • linguistic information
  • non-linguistic contextual information

[ˈdønɐ] [dœˈnʌː]

  • word = “döner"
  • speaker:
  • young
  • male
  • context: school yard
  • word = “döner"
  • speaker:
  • female
  • journalist
  • context: Tagesschau

[ˈdoʊnər]

  • word = “döner"
  • speaker:
  • female
  • American
  • episodic memory of a speech event

activation based on similarity during production: activation of category

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SLIDE 20

Explanation - Exemplar Theory - Perception

  • different base level of activation
  • recency of use
  • frequency of use

→ decay over time classification of new item:

  • activation according to similarity to new item
  • activation of category = total activation of exemplars in the category

↳ determines whether item belongs to category →

acustic signal

[i] token [a] token [ə] token

[ə] [i] [a] [ə] [i] [a] classification: [ə]

→ →

acustic signal [ə] [i] [a] [ə] [i] [a] classification: [a]

[ə] [i] [a]

recent input

effect of recent inputs:

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SLIDE 21

determination of production target:

  • choose phonological category to produce
  • randomly select exemplar from the category
  • recency of use
  • activation-weighted averageing:

averaging of phonetic characteristics of nearby group of exemplars

producation target: [a]

[i] token [a] token [ə] token

[ə] [i] [a] [ə] [i] [a] [a] [ə] [i] production:

activation-weighted averageing

Explanation - Exemplar Theory - Production

↳ more recent: more influence

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SLIDE 22

prior to cue:

  • both categories activated to equal extend
  • both targets are planned

after cue perceived and stored: after target stimulus perceived: articulation and target planning potentially in parallel → effect in mid production

[i] [a]

cue signal [i] [a] [i] [a]

planned targets response

target signal

1 2 1 2 2 3 1 3

Explanation - Exemplar Theory in Prime Shadowing

[a]* [a]

  • activations of cue due to likelyhood
  • target replanned
  • corresponding vowel: fully activated
  • new production target planned and executed
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SLIDE 23

2 accounts planning interaction account early articulation account difference: when and where shifts happen cause of differences: planning of speech targets cause of differences: pre-configuration of vocal tract

[a] [i]

2 3 1 3

Explanation - Subphonemic Effects

can happen in parallel

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SLIDE 24
  • priming effects due to changes in the vocal tract configuration, after cue stimulus
  • pre-shapeing of vocal tract
  • can reflect subphonemic details
  • then influence sub-sequent production

Explanation - Early Articulation Account

  • differences between normal and central cue due to:
  • pre-configuration of vocal tract
  • incorporation of subphonemic details of cue

cue signal

target signal [i] [a]

1 2 1 2

[a] [i]

2 3 1 3

[i] [a]

response

[a]*

→ →

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SLIDE 25

pediction:

  • differences in vocal tract geometry are maintained through (part of) response

decrease stay constant → differs most at beginning of response pattern

Explanation - Early Articulation Account

⇒ cannot be only explanation ↳ F-differences may: increase more complex patterns ↳ F-differences may not:

diverge later on

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SLIDE 26

[i] [a]

1 2 1 2

[a] [i]

2 3 1 3

[i] [a]

  • priming effects due to changes in the planning of speech targets

Explanation - Planning Interaction Account

  • differences between normal and central cue due to:
  • relatively high activation of cue (during planning)
  • cue contributes disproportionally to target planning bc of recency
  • vocal tract does not vary before perception of target stimulus
  • only speech targets themself have been altered

cue signal

target signal

response

→ →

planned targets

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SLIDE 27

pediction:

  • phonetic values conceptualized as vectors

specify values in an accoustic dimension over time

  • exemplar targets are actually trajectories

Explanation - Planning Interaction Account

t

  • acc. dim.
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SLIDE 28

[a] [a] [i] [a]

1 2 1 2

[i]

1 3 2 3

[i]

Explanation - CrossPhonemic

cue signal

target signal

response deactivation

cause 1: target planning cause 2: articulation → →

  • diminished on concordant trials
  • increased on discordant trials

articulator movement amplitude and velocity:

  • diminished for exemplars similar to the cue (on dicordant trials)

activation:

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SLIDE 29

→ subphonemic differences in the cue: → - perceived → - influence planning of targets → - influence subphonemic details of articulation ⇒ episodic memory does play significant role in speech planning and production → cross-phonemic priming: → - dissimilatory effects

Conclusion

  • how does sub-phonemic memory interact with cross-phonemic priming?
  • collect articulatory data to find out whether preshaping happens

Future

→ cause: →- early articulation →- planning of targets → can happen in parallel

  • why are the internal dynamics of the productions so complex and speaker dependent?