Sarah Monk, Christine Whitehead, Connie Tang and Gemma Burgess IFHP - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

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Sarah Monk, Christine Whitehead, Connie Tang and Gemma Burgess IFHP - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

International Review of Land Supply and Planning Systems Sarah Monk, Christine Whitehead, Connie Tang and Gemma Burgess IFHP 100 Centenary Conference Track 5: Housing and Social Justice UCL June 11 th 2013 Introduction The JRF Housing


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International Review of Land Supply and Planning Systems Sarah Monk, Christine Whitehead, Connie Tang and Gemma Burgess IFHP 100 Centenary Conference Track 5: Housing and Social Justice UCL June 11th 2013

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Introduction

  • The JRF Housing Market Taskforce identified land supply

as a key issue contributing to housing market volatility and housing affordability problems in England.

  • It therefore commissioned research to establish whether

experiences in other countries could contribute to understanding of the constraints on land supply in England

  • The research explored whether mechanisms that work in
  • ther countries might be introduced to help unlock new

housing supply here

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The research

  • Long list of 24 countries with data on population, households,

population density, house prices, housing completions, completions per 1,000 population compared

  • Selected 11 countries for detailed analysis
  • Literature and data search and review
  • Advice and critiques from country experts
  • Round table of stakeholders to test how far the findings could be

replicated in the English context

  • Case study countries:
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Why land supply is a vital issue

  • Record house price increases in early 2000s yet supply of

new homes did not increase significantly

  • This contributed further to affordability problems
  • Global financial crisis and resultant recession only

worsened the supply situation

  • A review of planning systems and land supply is therefore

timely

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Current policy and practice The Coalition government has introduced policies to achieve sustainable growth and address housing supply

  • A strong presumption in favour of development
  • New Homes Bonus
  • Speedier planning system
  • Fast tracking of major infrastructure projects
  • Duty to co-operate
  • Neighbourhood planning
  • Land auctions and green belt swaps
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How much land do we need?

  • Green belt currently covers some 13% of the total land

area of England

  • Urban land covers only around 10%
  • Planning Minister recently stated that increasing this to

12% would meet all identified future requirements

  • This could be done while preserving green belts
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The problem: perceived constraints on supply

  • Lack of incentives for local authorities to support new

development

  • Nature of the housebuilding industry
  • Disincentives to make land available in light of potential

future price increases

  • Mechanisms for funding and providing infrastructure
  • Availability and cost of finance for development
  • Risks associated with re-use of urban land
  • Market volatility and uncertainty
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Figure 1 New housing completions, England

50,000 100,000 150,000 200,000 250,000 300,000 350,000 1969 1972 1975 1978 1981 1984 1987 1990 1992-93 1995-96 1998-99 2001-02 2004-05 2007-08 2010-11 Completions

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Household numbers England 1951 – 2021 (projected)

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Approaches to land supply

  • Only England has purely planning permission background,

although South Korea is moving that way

  • All the others used zoning with varying degrees of

discretion/flexibility

  • Almost all countries face growth pressures in desirable areas
  • Most have constraints to curb urban sprawl and protect

agricultural and other land

  • But most did not see planning as a constraint
  • Many have low responsiveness of supply to price increases
  • OECD data show that GB (not England) is very similar to France

and Germany while higher than the Netherlands.

  • Several were more responsive – Australia, NZ, Ireland and

Denmark

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Findings - governance

  • Most countries have three layers of governance for planning –

national, regional and local

  • England outside London is alone in having no regional strategic

layer

  • The number of local authorities varies enormously – in France

there are 22 regions, 100 departments and 3,600 communes

  • England has no regional layer and 336 local planning authorities
  • Smaller local decision making areas are thought to help

community involvement

  • Looking to particular instruments we identified five main themes
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Findings – Growth management

  • Growth management boundaries / urban growth limits are used

by most countries to prevent urban sprawl

  • To ensure land and house price stability the limit is revisited

regularly

  • However any limit will affect land prices both within and outside

the boundary

  • There are some examples of successful urban containment and

relative price stability over time – Portland, Oregon, at least until recently

  • Successful management requires planners to be pro-active, not

reactive, in monitoring and adjusting land supply

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Findings – Land assembly

  • In many countries local authorities play an active role in land

assembly, often using compulsory purchase powers

  • Germany – address fragmented land ownership by

assembling the land so the increase in value following development is shared proportionately among the original

  • wners after repaying the local authority for infrastructure

provision

  • Netherlands – local authorities have traditionally purchased

land at existing use value, provided infrastructure and services, and sold it to developers at a price that at least recovered costs

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Findings – Infrastructure provision

  • Several countries have mechanisms to ensure infrastructure is

in place prior to planned development

  • France – tax on employment in larger towns and cities which is

hypothecated to transport infrastructure

  • Netherlands – early provision through municipal land purchase

and sale

  • Germany - land readjustment processes also provide for

infrastructure

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Findings – Compensation and incentives

  • Most compensation and incentive mechanisms involve

increased benefits to local authorities

  • Switzerland – cantons retain the tax revenues that accrue to

new development – as this is their main source of revenue it acts as an incentive for further development

  • Tax Increment Financing – hypothecating future local tax

revenues has been used extensively in the USA to incentivise inner city regeneration schemes

  • Density bonuses are used in a number of countries to

compensate developers for potential loss of income from providing affordable housing on site.

  • In the Netherlands there is provision to compensate individuals,

but it is not widely used

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Findings –Land value capture

  • Underpinning many of these mechanisms are forms of land

value capture (in zoning systems) or planning gain (England)

  • These include infrastructure charges, inclusionary zoning to

provide affordable housing, and land value taxation.

  • Infrastructure and services, including affordable housing, can
  • ften be funded from the increase in land values associated with

development

  • But works best in periods of economic growth – becomes

difficult when land values are falling

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Implications for England

  • Most of the mechanisms identified have their equivalent in

England

  • Could they be used more widely or brought together more

effectively and on a sufficient scale to ensure a larger and more regular flow of land to meet current and future housing needs? Three interlinked core issues:

  • How to provide sufficient incentives to bring land forward
  • How to enable growth without urban sprawl
  • How to provide infrastructure to support new housing

development

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Incentives to bring land forward

  • Land assembly and land readjustment (including compulsory

purchase) are powerful tools to enable development – and help stabilise expectations about future land prices

  • Incentives to enable development work best where the local

authority retains local taxes which are spent on local services – and possibly where the authority is small enough for the community to appreciate the benefits of growth

  • In England neighbourhood planning with community buy-in plus

the New Homes Bonus may help to incentivise development

  • So may the strategic use of public land
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Growth management

  • The green belt has been successful in preventing urban sprawl

but at a price

  • Evidence from other countries suggests it should be operated

more flexibly, with boundaries revisited regularly

  • Planners should monitor land supply and respond to price

changes by adjusting potential supply

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Infrastructure provision

  • Provision in advance of, or alongside, development is essential
  • Funding can come from land value uplift, taxation (including

additional tax revenues from new development) and debt finance paid for from a growing tax base

  • A rolling infrastructure fund has clear potential, provided an

initial source is available and the returns are recycled for further infrastructure investment

  • It can also be used counter-cyclically, enabling development to

go ahead during the downturn and be repaid in the upturn

  • Cambridge provides a case study of how to bring these different

elements together pro-actively

  • Other areas may find it harder, but it is proof that attitudes and

incentives can change

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Conclusions

  • There are examples of effective use of the range of instruments

available – Cambridge; Milton Keynes

  • Some government initiatives are in line with international

experience

  • But still need a pro-development cultural change based on a

growth agenda

  • A more stable economy and a more proactive approach to land

assembly