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Morphomic properties and the interface of syntacticosemantic content with morphological form Gregory Stump University of Kentucky University of Leipzig, July 8, 2015 1 Morphosyntactic grammatical properties to which properties: morphology

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Morphomic properties and the interface

  • f syntacticosemantic content

with morphological form Gregory Stump

University of Kentucky University of Leipzig, July 8, 2015

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Morphosyntactic properties: grammatical properties to which morphology and syntax are both sensitive Morphomic properties: grammatical properties to which

  • nly morphology is sensitive

What is the logical conclusion to which this distinction should be taken in linguistic theory?

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Morphosyntactic properties: grammatical properties to which morphology and syntax are both sensitive Morphomic properties: grammatical properties to which

  • nly morphology is sensitive

What is the logical conclusion to which this distinction should be taken in linguistic theory?

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Morphosyntactic properties: grammatical properties to which morphology and syntax are both sensitive Morphomic properties: grammatical properties to which

  • nly morphology is sensitive

I shall argue that this distinction implies a grammatical architecture in which inflectional paradigms function as the interface of syntacticosemantic content and morphological form.

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Talk outline

  • 1. Syntagmatic compositionality
  • 2. Paradigmatic compositionality
  • 3. The dual role of cells in paradigm-based theories
  • f morphology
  • 4. The cell interface model of semantic interpretation
  • 5. Kashmiri conjugations
  • 6. The paradigm linkage model
  • 7. Hua verb agreement
  • 8. Summary

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  • 1. Syntagmatic

compositionality

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Traditionally, compositionality is a syntagmatic notion. A complex expression is compositional if its content can be deduced from that of its parts and the manner of their syntagmatic combination. Many word forms seem to exhibit this sort of compositionality.

Syntagmatic compositionality

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French chanterons ‘we shall sing’

→ λYλX[X ⊆ weˈ → Aorist(ˆ[stealˈ(X, Y)])] → λYλX[Aorist(ˆ[stealˈ(X, Y)])] → λYλX[stealˈ(X, Y)] Syntagmatic compositionality

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French chanterons ‘we shall sing’

→ λYλX[X ⊆ weˈ → Aorist(ˆ[stealˈ(X, Y)])] → λYλX[Aorist(ˆ[stealˈ(X, Y)])] → λYλX[stealˈ(X, Y)] Syntagmatic compositionality

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French chanterons ‘we shall sing’

→ λYλX[X ⊆ weˈ → Aorist(ˆ[stealˈ(X, Y)])] → λYλX[Aorist(ˆ[stealˈ(X, Y)])] → λYλX[singˈ(X, Y)] Syntagmatic compositionality

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French chanterons ‘we shall sing’

→ λYλX[X ⊆ weˈ → Aorist(ˆ[stealˈ(X, Y)])] → λYλX[Future(ˆ[singˈ(X, Y)])] → λYλX[singˈ(X, Y)] Syntagmatic compositionality

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French chanterons ‘we shall sing’

→ λYλX[X ⊆ weˈ → Future(ˆ[singˈ(X, Y)])] → λYλX[Future(ˆ[singˈ(X, Y)])] → λYλX[singˈ(X, Y)] Syntagmatic compositionality

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French chanterons ‘we shall sing’

→ λYλX[X ⊆ weˈ → Future(ˆ[singˈ(X, Y)])] → λYλX[Future(ˆ[singˈ(X, Y)])] → λYλX[singˈ(X, Y)] Syntagmatic compositionality

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1ST PLURAL chantions 2ND PERSON 3RD PERSON ‘you stole’ ‘s/he stole’

BUT: Inflected word forms are not invariably compositional in the syntagmatic sense.

Syntagmatic compositionality

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1ST PLURAL chantions 2ND PERSON 3RD PERSON ‘you stole’ ‘s/he stole’

BUT: Inflected word forms are not invariably compositional in the syntagmatic sense.

Syntagmatic compositionality

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1ST PLURAL chantions

IMPERFECT INDICATIVE

3RD PERSON ‘we sang’ ‘s/he stole’

BUT: Inflected word forms are not invariably compositional in the syntagmatic sense.

Syntagmatic compositionality

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1ST PLURAL chantions

IMPERFECT INDICATIVE PRESENT SUBJUNCTIVE

‘we sang’ ‘that we sing’

BUT: Inflected word forms are not invariably compositional in the syntagmatic sense.

Syntagmatic compositionality

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  • 2. Paradigmatic

compositionality

Paradigm-based approaches to inflectional morphology afford a different, paradigmatic conception of compositionality. According to this conception, a word form is compositional if its content can be deduced from the paradigm cell that it realizes.

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On this conception, chanterons is compositional because it realizes the first-person plural cell in the future-tense paradigm of the lexeme CHANTER. Partial paradigm of French CHANGER ‘sing’ Imperfect indicative Present subjunctive Future indicative Singular 1 chantais chante chanterai 2 chantais chantes chanteras 3 chantait chante chantera Plural 1 chantions chantions chanterons 2 chantiez chantiez chanterez 3 chantaient chantent chanteront

Paradigmatic compositionality

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Each of the cells in a lexeme L’s paradigm might be conceived of as the pairing of L with a morphosyntactic property set of an appropriate sort, e.g.

CHANTER, {1 pl fut ind}

Paradigmatic compositionality

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λYλX[X ⊆ weˈ → Aorist(ˆ[stealˈ(X, Y)])]

This cell may be seen as determining the semantic interpretation of the word form that realizes it: chanterons.

CHANTER, {1 pl fut ind}

Paradigmatic compositionality

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CHANTER, {1 pl fut ind}

This cell may be seen as determining the semantic interpretation of the word form that realizes it: chanterons.

Paradigmatic compositionality

λYλX[X ⊆ weˈ → Future(ˆ[singˈ(X, Y)])]

↑

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λYλX[X ⊆ weˈ → Future(ˆ[singˈ(X, Y)])]

↑

CHANTER, {1 pl fut ind}

This cell may be seen as determining the semantic interpretation of the word form that realizes it: chanterons.

Paradigmatic compositionality

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Even syncretic word forms may be compositional in this sense: imperfect chantions and subjunctive chantions realize distinct cells in the paradigm of CHANTER. Partial paradigm of French CHANTER ‘sing’ Imperfect indicative Present subjunctive Future indicative Singular 1 chantais chante chanterai 2 chantais chantes chanteras 3 chantait chante chantera Plural 1 chantions chantions chanterons 2 chantiez chantiez chanterez 3 chantaient chantent chanteront

Paradigmatic compositionality

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λYλx[x = thouˈ → Aorist(ˆ[stealˈ(x, Y)])]

↑

λYλx[x = s/heˈ → Aorist(ˆ[stealˈ(x, Y)])]

↑

CHANTER, {1pl impf ind} CHANTER, {1pl prs sbjv}

Paradigmatic compositionality

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λYλX[X ⊆ weˈ → Imperfect(ˆ[singˈ(X, Y)])]

↑

λYλX[X ⊆ weˈ → Subjunctive(ˆ[singˈ(X, Y)])]

↑

CHANTER, {1pl impf ind} CHANTER, {1pl prs sbjv}

Paradigmatic compositionality

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λYλX[X ⊆ weˈ → Imperfect(ˆ[singˈ(X, Y)])]

↑

λYλX[X ⊆ weˈ → Subjunctive(ˆ[singˈ(X, Y)])]

↑

CHANTER, {1pl impf ind} CHANTER, {1pl prs sbjv}

Paradigmatic compositionality

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  • 3. The dual role of cells

in paradigm-based theories

  • f morphology

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In paradigm-based theories of morphology, the morphosyntactic property set associated with a cell is assumed to determine the word form realizing that cell.

The dual role of paradigm cells

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The dual role of paradigm cells

CHANTER, {1 pl fut ind}

↓

chant -er -ons λYλX[X ⊆ weˈ → Future(ˆ[singˈ(X, Y)])]

↑

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The dual role of paradigm cells

CHANTER, {1 pl fut ind}

↓

chanterons λYλX[X ⊆ weˈ → Future(ˆ[singˈ(X, Y)])]

↑

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The dual role of paradigm cells

CHANTER, {1 pl fut ind}

↓

chant -er -ons λYλX[X ⊆ weˈ → Future(ˆ[singˈ(X, Y)])]

↑

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The dual role of paradigm cells

CHANTER, {1 pl fut ind}

↓

chant -er -ons λYλX[X ⊆ weˈ → Future(ˆ[singˈ(X, Y)])]

↑

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The dual role of paradigm cells

CHANTER, {1 pl fut ind}

↓

chant -er -ons λYλX[X ⊆ weˈ → Future(ˆ[singˈ(X, Y)])]

↑

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  • 4. The cell interface model
  • f the interface
  • f semantic interpretation

with inflectional morphology:

The cells of a lexeme’s paradigm are the basis for both the semantic interpretation and the inflectional realization of its word forms.

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λYλX[X ⊆ weˈ → Future(ˆ[singˈ(X, Y)])]

SEMANTIC INTERPRETATION

↑

CHANTER, {1 pl fut ind}

MORPHOLOGICAL REALIZATION

↓

chant-er-ons

Cell interface model

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λYλX[X ⊆ weˈ → Future(ˆ[singˈ(X, Y)])]

SEMANTIC INTERPRETATION

↑

CHANTER, {1 pl fut ind}

MORPHOLOGICAL REALIZATION

↓

chant-er-ons

Cell interface model

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λYλX[X ⊆ weˈ → Future(ˆ[singˈ(X, Y)])]

SEMANTIC INTERPRETATION

↑

CHANTER, {1 pl fut ind}

MORPHOLOGICAL REALIZATION

↓

chant-er-ons

Cell interface model

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George A. Grierson (1911) A Manual of the Kāshmīrī Language. Oxford: Clarendon Press. (Śrīnagar dialect) Evidence against the cell interface model

Cell interface model

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George A. Grierson (1911) A Manual of the Kāshmīrī Language. Oxford: Clarendon Press. (Śrīnagar dialect)

  • 5. Kashmiri conjugations

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GUP

‘conceal’ (Conj. I),

WUP

‘burn inside’ (Conj. II),

WUPH

‘fly’ (Conj. III). [transitives] [intransitives] The differences between the three conjugations are restricted to the preterite tenses.

Kashmiri conjugations

Kashmiri verbs fall into three conjugations, exemplified here by

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GUP

‘conceal’ (Conj. I),

WUP

‘burn inside’ (Conj. II),

WUPH

‘fly’ (Conj. III). [transitives] [intransitives] The differences between the three conjugations are restricted to the preterite tenses.

Kashmiri conjugations

Kashmiri verbs fall into three conjugations, exemplified here by

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GUP

‘conceal’ (Conj. I),

WUP

‘burn inside’ (Conj. II),

WUPH

‘fly’ (Conj. III). [transitives] [intransitives] The differences between the three conjugations are restricted to the preterite tenses.

Kashmiri conjugations

Kashmiri verbs fall into three conjugations, exemplified here by

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GUP

‘conceal’ (Conj. I),

WUP

‘burn inside’ (Conj. II),

WUPH

‘fly’ (Conj. III). [transitives] [intransitives]

The differences between the three conjugations are restricted to the preterite tenses.

Kashmiri conjugations

Kashmiri verbs fall into three conjugations, exemplified here by

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Present-tense forms of three Kashmiri verbs

Person, number, gender

  • f subject

GUP

‘conceal’ (Conj. I)

WUP

‘burn inside’ (Conj. II)

WUPH

‘fly’ (Conj. III) Masc Sg 1 chus gupān chus wupān chus wuphān 2 chukh gupān chukh wupān chukh wuphān 3 chuh gupān chuh wupān chuh wuphān Pl 1 chih gupān chih wupān chih wuphān 2 chiwa gupān chiwa wupān chiwa wuphān 3 chih gupān chih wupān chih wuphān Fem Sg 1 chɛs gupān chɛs wupān chɛs wuphān 2 chɛkh gupān chɛkh wupān chɛkh wuphān 3 chɛh gupān chɛh wupān chɛh wuphān Pl 1 chɛh gupān chɛh wupān chɛh wuphān 2 chɛwa gupān chɛwa wupān chɛwa wuphān 3 chɛh gupān chɛh wupān chɛh wuphān

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In Kashmiri, verbs have three past tenses:

  • recent past
  • indefinite past
  • remote past.

Kashmiri conjugations

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The preterite inflection of WUP ‘burn inside’, Conj. II Masc Fem Recent past Sg 1 wupus wupüs 2 wupukh wupükh 3 wupu wupü Pl 1 wupi wupɛ 2 wupiwa wupɛwa 3 wupi wupɛ Indefinite past Sg 1 wupyōs wupyēyɛs 2 wupyōkh wupyēyɛkh 3 wupyōv wupyēyɛ Pl 1 wupyēy wupyēyɛ 2 wupyēwa wupyēyɛwa 3 wupyēy wupyēyɛ Remote past Sg 1 wupyās wupyēyɛs 2 wupyākh wupyēyɛkh 3 wupyāv wupyēyɛ Pl 1 wupyāy wupyēyɛ 2 wupyāwa wupyēyɛwa 3 wupyāy wupyēyɛ

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The preterite inflection of WUP ‘burn inside’, Conj. II Masc Fem Recent past Sg 1 wupus wupüs 2 wupukh wupükh 3 wupu wupü Pl 1 wupi wupɛ 2 wupiwa wupɛwa 3 wupi wupɛ Indefinite past Sg 1 wupyōs wupyēyɛs 2 wupyōkh wupyēyɛkh 3 wupyōv wupyēyɛ Pl 1 wupyēy wupyēyɛ 2 wupyēwa wupyēyɛwa 3 wupyēy wupyēyɛ Remote past Sg 1 wupyās wupyēyɛs 2 wupyākh wupyēyɛkh 3 wupyāv wupyēyɛ Pl 1 wupyāy wupyēyɛ 2 wupyāwa wupyēyɛwa 3 wupyāy wupyēyɛ

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Recent past inflection of GUP ‘conceal’, Conj. I

Subject person and number (B) Object number and gender Singular Plural A (overt subject required) B (overt subject

  • ptional)

A (overt subject required) B (overt subject

  • ptional)

Masc Fem Masc Fem Masc Fem Masc Fem Sg 1 gupu gupü gupum gupüm gupi gupɛ gupim gupɛm 2 guputh gupüth gupith gupɛth 3 gupu gupü gupun gupün gupi gupɛ gupin gupɛn Pl 1 gupu gupü gupi gupɛ 2 gupuwa gupüwa gupiwa gupɛwa 3 gupu gupü gupukh gupükh gupi gupɛ gupikh gupɛkh

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Recent past inflection of GUP ‘conceal’, Conj. I

Subject person and number (B) Object number and gender Singular Plural A (overt subject required) B (overt subject

  • ptional)

A (overt subject required) B (overt subject

  • ptional)

Masc Fem Masc Fem Masc Fem Masc Fem Sg 1 gupu gupü gupum gupüm gupi gupɛ gupim gupɛm 2 guputh gupüth gupith gupɛth 3 gupu gupü gupun gupün gupi gupɛ gupin gupɛn Pl 1 gupu gupü gupi gupɛ 2 gupuwa gupüwa gupiwa gupɛwa 3 gupu gupü gupukh gupükh gupi gupɛ gupikh gupɛkh

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Recent past inflection of GUP ‘conceal’, Conj. I

Subject person and number (B) Object number and gender Singular Plural A (overt subject required) B (overt subject

  • ptional)

A (overt subject required) B (overt subject

  • ptional)

Masc Fem Masc Fem Masc Fem Masc Fem Sg 1 gupu gupü gupum gupüm gupi gupɛ gupim gupɛm 2 guputh gupüth gupith gupɛth 3 gupu gupü gupun gupün gupi gupɛ gupin gupɛn Pl 1 gupu gupü gupi gupɛ 2 gupuwa gupüwa gupiwa gupɛwa 3 gupu gupü gupukh gupükh gupi gupɛ gupikh gupɛkh

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Recent past inflection of GUP ‘conceal’, Conj. I

Subject person and number (B) Object number and gender Singular Plural A (overt subject required) B (overt subject

  • ptional)

A (overt subject required) B (overt subject

  • ptional)

Masc Fem Masc Fem Masc Fem Masc Fem Sg 1 gupu gupü gupum gupüm gupi gupɛ gupim gupɛm 2 guputh gupüth gupith gupɛth 3 gupu gupü gupun gupün gupi gupɛ gupin gupɛn Pl 1 gupu gupü gupi gupɛ 2 gupuwa gupüwa gupiwa gupɛwa 3 gupu gupü gupukh gupükh gupi gupɛ gupikh gupɛkh

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Recent past inflection of GUP ‘conceal’, Conj. I

Subject person and number (B) Object number and gender Singular Plural A (overt subject required) B (overt subject

  • ptional)

A (overt subject required) B (overt subject

  • ptional)

Masc Fem Masc Fem Masc Fem Masc Fem Sg 1 gupu gupü gupum gupüm gupi gupɛ gupim gupɛm 2 guputh gupüth gupith gupɛth 3 gupu gupü gupun gupün gupi gupɛ gupin gupɛn Pl 1 gupu gupü gupi gupɛ 2 gupuwa gupüwa gupiwa gupɛwa 3 gupu gupü gupukh gupükh gupi gupɛ gupikh gupɛkh

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Recent past forms

  • f GUP

‘conceal’ (Conj. I)

Subject person and number Object number and gender Singular Plural A A Masc Fem Masc Fem 1sg gupu gupü gupi gupɛ 2sg 3sg gupu gupü gupi gupɛ 1pl gupu gupü gupi gupɛ 2pl 3pl gupu gupü gupi gupɛ

↑ ↑ ↑ ↑

The number and gender of a transitive verb’s object are coded by the same morphology as the number and gender of Conj. II verb’s third-person subject.

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Recent past forms

  • f GUP

‘conceal’ (Conj. I)

Subject person and number Object number and gender Singular Plural A A Masc Fem Masc Fem 1sg gupu gupü gupi gupɛ 2sg 3sg gupu gupü gupi gupɛ 1pl gupu gupü gupi gupɛ 2pl 3pl gupu gupü gupi gupɛ

Recent past forms of

WUP

‘burn inside’ (Conj. II)

Masc Fem 1sg wupus wupüs

←

2sg wupukh wupükh 3sg wupu wupü 1pl wupi wupɛ

←

2pl wupiwa wupɛwa 3pl wupi wupɛ

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Recent past forms

  • f GUP

‘conceal’ (Conj. I)

Subject person and number Object number and gender Singular B Plural B Masc Fem Masc Fem 1sg gupum gupüm gupim gupɛm 2sg guputh gupüth gupith gupɛth 3sg gupun gupün gupin gupɛn 1pl 2pl gupuwa gupüwa gupiwa gupɛwa 3pl gupukh gupükh gupikh gupɛkh

Past-tense pronominal subject suffixes (Conj. I)

1sg

  • m

2sg

  • th

3sg

  • n

1pl 2pl

  • wa

3pl

  • kh

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WUP ‘burn inside’, Conj. II WUPH ‘fly’, Conj. III

Masc Fem Masc Fem Recent past Sg 1 wupus wupüs wuphyōs wuphyēyɛs 2 wupukh wupükh wuphyōkh wuphyēyɛkh 3 wupu wupü wuphyōv wuphyēyɛ Pl 1 wupi wupɛ wuphyēy wuphyēyɛ 2 wupiwa wupɛwa wuphyēwa wuphyēyɛwa 3 wupi wupɛ wuphyēy wuphyēyɛ Indefinite past Sg 1 wupyōs wupyēyɛs wuphyās wuphyēyɛs 2 wupyōkh wupyēyɛkh wuphyākh wuphyēyɛkh 3 wupyōv wupyēyɛ wuphyāv wuphyēyɛ Pl 1 wupyēy wupyēyɛ wuphyāy wuphyēyɛ 2 wupyēwa wupyēyɛwa wuphyāwa wuphyēyɛwa 3 wupyēy wupyēyɛ wuphyāy wuphyēyɛ Remote past Sg 1 wupyās wupyēyɛs wuphiyās wuphiyēyɛs 2 wupyākh wupyēyɛkh wuphiyākh wuphiyēyɛkh 3 wupyāv wupyēyɛ wuphiyāv wuphiyēyɛ Pl 1 wupyāy wupyēyɛ wuphiyāy wuphiyēyɛ 2 wupyāwa wupyēyɛwa wuphiyāwa wuphiyēyɛwa 3 wupyāy wupyēyɛ wuphiyāy wuphiyēyɛ

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WUP ‘burn inside’, Conj. II WUPH ‘fly’, Conj. III

Masc Fem Masc Fem Recent past Sg 1 wupus wupüs wuphyōs wuphyēyɛs 2 wupukh wupükh wuphyōkh wuphyēyɛkh 3 wupu wupü wuphyōv wuphyēyɛ Pl 1 wupi wupɛ wuphyēy wuphyēyɛ 2 wupiwa wupɛwa wuphyēwa wuphyēyɛwa 3 wupi wupɛ wuphyēy wuphyēyɛ Indefinite past Sg 1 wupyōs wupyēyɛs wuphyās wuphyēyɛs 2 wupyōkh wupyēyɛkh wuphyākh wuphyēyɛkh 3 wupyōv wupyēyɛ wuphyāv wuphyēyɛ Pl 1 wupyēy wupyēyɛ wuphyāy wuphyēyɛ 2 wupyēwa wupyēyɛwa wuphyāwa wuphyēyɛwa 3 wupyēy wupyēyɛ wuphyāy wuphyēyɛ Remote past Sg 1 wupyās wupyēyɛs wuphiyās wuphiyēyɛs 2 wupyākh wupyēyɛkh wuphiyākh wuphiyēyɛkh 3 wupyāv wupyēyɛ wuphiyāv wuphiyēyɛ Pl 1 wupyāy wupyēyɛ wuphiyāy wuphiyēyɛ 2 wupyāwa wupyēyɛwa wuphiyāwa wuphiyēyɛwa 3 wupyāy wupyēyɛ wuphiyāy wuphiyēyɛ

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SLIDE 59

WUP ‘burn inside’, Conj. II WUPH ‘fly’, Conj. III

Masc Fem Masc Fem Recent past Sg 1 wupus wupüs wuphyōs wuphyēyɛs 2 wupukh wupükh wuphyōkh wuphyēyɛkh 3 wupu wupü wuphyōv wuphyēyɛ Pl 1 wupi wupɛ wuphyēy wuphyēyɛ 2 wupiwa wupɛwa wuphyēwa wuphyēyɛwa 3 wupi wupɛ wuphyēy wuphyēyɛ Indefinite past Sg 1 wupyōs wupyēyɛs wuphyās wuphyēyɛs 2 wupyōkh wupyēyɛkh wuphyākh wuphyēyɛkh 3 wupyōv wupyēyɛ wuphyāv wuphyēyɛ Pl 1 wupyēy wupyēyɛ wuphyāy wuphyēyɛ 2 wupyēwa wupyēyɛwa wuphyāwa wuphyēyɛwa 3 wupyēy wupyēyɛ wuphyāy wuphyēyɛ Remote past Sg 1 wupyās wupyēyɛs wuphiyās wuphiyēyɛs 2 wupyākh wupyēyɛkh wuphiyākh wuphiyēyɛkh 3 wupyāv wupyēyɛ wuphiyāv wuphiyēyɛ Pl 1 wupyāy wupyēyɛ wuphiyāy wuphiyēyɛ 2 wupyāwa wupyēyɛwa wuphiyāwa wuphiyēyɛwa 3 wupyāy wupyēyɛ wuphiyāy wuphiyēyɛ

59

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SLIDE 60

WUP ‘burn inside’, Conj. II WUPH ‘fly’, Conj. III

Masc Fem Masc Fem Recent past Sg 1 wupus wupüs wuphyōs wuphyēyɛs 2 wupukh wupükh wuphyōkh wuphyēyɛkh 3 wupu wupü wuphyōv wuphyēyɛ Pl 1 wupi wupɛ wuphyēy wuphyēyɛ 2 wupiwa wupɛwa wuphyēwa wuphyēyɛwa 3 wupi wupɛ wuphyēy wuphyēyɛ Indefinite past Sg 1 wupyōs wupyēyɛs wuphyās wuphyēyɛs 2 wupyōkh wupyēyɛkh wuphyākh wuphyēyɛkh 3 wupyōv wupyēyɛ wuphyāv wuphyēyɛ Pl 1 wupyēy wupyēyɛ wuphyāy wuphyēyɛ 2 wupyēwa wupyēyɛwa wuphyāwa wuphyēyɛwa 3 wupyēy wupyēyɛ wuphyāy wuphyēyɛ Remote past Sg 1 wupyās wupyēyɛs wuphiyās wuphiyēyɛs 2 wupyākh wupyēyɛkh wuphiyākh wuphiyēyɛkh 3 wupyāv wupyēyɛ wuphiyāv wuphiyēyɛ Pl 1 wupyāy wupyēyɛ wuphiyāy wuphiyēyɛ 2 wupyāwa wupyēyɛwa wuphiyāwa wuphiyēyɛwa 3 wupyāy wupyēyɛ wuphiyāy wuphiyēyɛ

60

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SLIDE 61

WUP ‘burn inside’, Conj. II WUPH ‘fly’, Conj. III

Masc Fem Masc Fem Recent past Sg 1 wupus wupüs wuphyōs wuphyēyɛs 2 wupukh wupükh wuphyōkh wuphyēyɛkh 3 wupu wupü wuphyōv wuphyēyɛ Pl 1 wupi wupɛ wuphyēy wuphyēyɛ 2 wupiwa wupɛwa wuphyēwa wuphyēyɛwa 3 wupi wupɛ wuphyēy wuphyēyɛ Indefinite past Sg 1 wupyōs wupyēyɛs wuphyās wuphyēyɛs 2 wupyōkh wupyēyɛkh wuphyākh wuphyēyɛkh 3 wupyōv wupyēyɛ wuphyāv wuphyēyɛ Pl 1 wupyēy wupyēyɛ wuphyāy wuphyēyɛ 2 wupyēwa wupyēyɛwa wuphyāwa wuphyēyɛwa 3 wupyēy wupyēyɛ wuphyāy wuphyēyɛ Remote past Sg 1 wupyās wupyēyɛs wuphiyās wuphiyēyɛs 2 wupyākh wupyēyɛkh wuphiyākh wuphiyēyɛkh 3 wupyāv wupyēyɛ wuphiyāv wuphiyēyɛ Pl 1 wupyāy wupyēyɛ wuphiyāy wuphiyēyɛ 2 wupyāwa wupyēyɛwa wuphiyāwa wuphiyēyɛwa 3 wupyāy wupyēyɛ wuphiyāy wuphiyēyɛ

61

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SLIDE 62

WUP ‘burn inside’, Conj. II WUPH ‘fly’, Conj. III

Masc Fem Masc Fem Recent past Sg 1 wupus wupüs wuphyōs wuphyēyɛs 2 wupukh wupükh wuphyōkh wuphyēyɛkh 3 wupu wupü wuphyōv wuphyēyɛ Pl 1 wupi wupɛ wuphyēy wuphyēyɛ 2 wupiwa wupɛwa wuphyēwa wuphyēyɛwa 3 wupi wupɛ wuphyēy wuphyēyɛ Indefinite past Sg 1 wupyōs wupyēyɛs wuphyās wuphyēyɛs 2 wupyōkh wupyēyɛkh wuphyākh wuphyēyɛkh 3 wupyōv wupyēyɛ wuphyāv wuphyēyɛ Pl 1 wupyēy wupyēyɛ wuphyāy wuphyēyɛ 2 wupyēwa wupyēyɛwa wuphyāwa wuphyēyɛwa 3 wupyēy wupyēyɛ wuphyāy wuphyēyɛ Remote past Sg 1 wupyās wupyēyɛs wuphiyās wuphiyēyɛs 2 wupyākh wupyēyɛkh wuphiyākh wuphiyēyɛkh 3 wupyāv wupyēyɛ wuphiyāv wuphiyēyɛ Pl 1 wupyāy wupyēyɛ wuphiyāy wuphiyēyɛ 2 wupyāwa wupyēyɛwa wuphiyāwa wuphiyēyɛwa 3 wupyāy wupyēyɛ wuphiyāy wuphiyēyɛ

62

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SLIDE 63

WUP ‘burn inside’, Conj. II WUPH ‘fly’, Conj. III

Masc Fem Masc Fem Recent past Sg 1 wupus wupüs wuphyōs wuphyēyɛs 2 wupukh wupükh wuphyōkh wuphyēyɛkh 3 wupu wupü wuphyōv wuphyēyɛ Pl 1 wupi wupɛ wuphyēy wuphyēyɛ 2 wupiwa wupɛwa wuphyēwa wuphyēyɛwa 3 wupi wupɛ wuphyēy wuphyēyɛ Indefinite past Sg 1 wupyōs wupyēyɛs wuphyās wuphyēyɛs 2 wupyōkh wupyēyɛkh wuphyākh wuphyēyɛkh 3 wupyōv wupyēyɛ wuphyāv wuphyēyɛ Pl 1 wupyēy wupyēyɛ wuphyāy wuphyēyɛ 2 wupyēwa wupyēyɛwa wuphyāwa wuphyēyɛwa 3 wupyēy wupyēyɛ wuphyāy wuphyēyɛ Remote past Sg 1 wupyās wupyēyɛs wuphiyās wuphiyēyɛs 2 wupyākh wupyēyɛkh wuphiyākh wuphiyēyɛkh 3 wupyāv wupyēyɛ wuphiyāv wuphiyēyɛ Pl 1 wupyāy wupyēyɛ wuphiyāy wuphiyēyɛ 2 wupyāwa wupyēyɛwa wuphiyāwa wuphiyēyɛwa 3 wupyāy wupyēyɛ wuphiyāy wuphiyēyɛ

63

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SLIDE 64

WUP ‘burn inside’, Conj. II WUPH ‘fly’, Conj. III

Masc Fem Masc Fem Recent past Sg 1 wupus wupüs wuphyōs wuphyēyɛs 2 wupukh wupükh wuphyōkh wuphyēyɛkh 3 wupu wupü wuphyōv wuphyēyɛ Pl 1 wupi wupɛ wuphyēy wuphyēyɛ 2 wupiwa wupɛwa wuphyēwa wuphyēyɛwa 3 wupi wupɛ wuphyēy wuphyēyɛ Indefinite past Sg 1 wupyōs wupyēyɛs wuphyās wuphyēyɛs 2 wupyōkh wupyēyɛkh wuphyākh wuphyēyɛkh 3 wupyōv wupyēyɛ wuphyāv wuphyēyɛ Pl 1 wupyēy wupyēyɛ wuphyāy wuphyēyɛ 2 wupyēwa wupyēyɛwa wuphyāwa wuphyēyɛwa 3 wupyēy wupyēyɛ wuphyāy wuphyēyɛ Remote past Sg 1 wupyās wupyēyɛs wuphiyās wuphiyēyɛs 2 wupyākh wupyēyɛkh wuphiyākh wuphiyēyɛkh 3 wupyāv wupyēyɛ wuphiyāv wuphiyēyɛ Pl 1 wupyāy wupyēyɛ wuphiyāy wuphiyēyɛ 2 wupyāwa wupyēyɛwa wuphiyāwa wuphiyēyɛwa 3 wupyāy wupyēyɛ wuphiyāy wuphiyēyɛ

64

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SLIDE 65

WUP ‘burn inside’, Conj. II WUPH ‘fly’, Conj. III

Masc Fem Masc Fem Recent past Sg 1 wupus wupüs wuphyōs wuphyēyɛs 2 wupukh wupükh wuphyōkh wuphyēyɛkh 3 wupu wupü wuphyōv wuphyēyɛ Pl 1 wupi wupɛ wuphyēy wuphyēyɛ 2 wupiwa wupɛwa wuphyēwa wuphyēyɛwa 3 wupi wupɛ wuphyēy wuphyēyɛ Indefinite past Sg 1 wupyōs wupyēyɛs wuphyās wuphyēyɛs 2 wupyōkh wupyēyɛkh wuphyākh wuphyēyɛkh 3 wupyōv wupyēyɛ wuphyāv wuphyēyɛ Pl 1 wupyēy wupyēyɛ wuphyāy wuphyēyɛ 2 wupyēwa wupyēyɛwa wuphyāwa wuphyēyɛwa 3 wupyēy wupyēyɛ wuphyāy wuphyēyɛ Remote past Sg 1 wupyās wupyēyɛs wuphiyās wuphiyēyɛs 2 wupyākh wupyēyɛkh wuphiyākh wuphiyēyɛkh 3 wupyāv wupyēyɛ wuphiyāv wuphiyēyɛ Pl 1 wupyāy wupyēyɛ wuphiyāy wuphiyēyɛ 2 wupyāwa wupyēyɛwa wuphiyāwa wuphiyēyɛwa 3 wupyāy wupyēyɛ wuphiyāy wuphiyēyɛ

65

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SLIDE 66

WUP ‘burn inside’, Conj. II WUPH ‘fly’, Conj. III

Masc Fem Masc Fem Recent past Sg 1 wupus wupüs wuphyōs wuphyēyɛs 2 wupukh wupükh wuphyōkh wuphyēyɛkh 3 wupu wupü wuphyōv wuphyēyɛ Pl 1 wupi wupɛ wuphyēy wuphyēyɛ 2 wupiwa wupɛwa wuphyēwa wuphyēyɛwa 3 wupi wupɛ wuphyēy wuphyēyɛ Indefinite past Sg 1 wupyōs wupyēyɛs wuphyās wuphyēyɛs 2 wupyōkh wupyēyɛkh wuphyākh wuphyēyɛkh 3 wupyōv wupyēyɛ wuphyāv wuphyēyɛ Pl 1 wupyēy wupyēyɛ wuphyāy wuphyēyɛ 2 wupyēwa wupyēyɛwa wuphyāwa wuphyēyɛwa 3 wupyēy wupyēyɛ wuphyāy wuphyēyɛ Remote past Sg 1 wupyās wupyēyɛs wuphiyās wuphiyēyɛs 2 wupyākh wupyēyɛkh wuphiyākh wuphiyēyɛkh 3 wupyāv wupyēyɛ wuphiyāv wuphiyēyɛ Pl 1 wupyāy wupyēyɛ wuphiyāy wuphiyēyɛ 2 wupyāwa wupyēyɛwa wuphiyāwa wuphiyēyɛwa 3 wupyāy wupyēyɛ wuphiyāy wuphiyēyɛ

66

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SLIDE 67

From the point of view of content, there are three past tenses in Kashmiri; but from the point of view of form, there are four. Recent past

Conjugations I, II

{past a}

Conjugation III

{past b} Indefinite past

Conjugations I, II Conjugation III

{past c} Remote past

Conjugations I, II

{past d}

Conjugation III

Kashmiri conjugations

67

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SLIDE 68

From the point of view of content, there are three past tenses in Kashmiri; but from the point of view of form, there are four. Recent past

Conjugations I, II

{past a}

Conjugation III

{past b} Indefinite past

Conjugations I, II Conjugation III

{past c} Remote past

Conjugations I, II

{past d}

Conjugation III

Kashmiri conjugations

68

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SLIDE 69

From the point of view of content, there are three past tenses in Kashmiri; but from the point of view of form, there are four. Recent past

Conjugations I, II

{past a}

Conjugation III

{past b} Indefinite past

Conjugations I, II Conjugation III

{past c} Remote past

Conjugations I, II

{past d}

Conjugation III

Kashmiri conjugations

69

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SLIDE 70

From the point of view of content, there are three past tenses in Kashmiri; but from the point of view of form, there are four. Recent past

Conjugations I, II

{past a}

Conjugation III

{past b} Indefinite past

Conjugations I, II Conjugation III

{past c} Remote past

Conjugations I, II

{past d}

Conjugation III

Kashmiri conjugations

70

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SLIDE 71

From the point of view of content, there are three past tenses in Kashmiri; but from the point of view of form, there are four. Recent past

Conjugations I, II

{past a}

Conjugation III

{past b} Indefinite past

Conjugations I, II Conjugation III

{past c} Remote past

Conjugations I, II

{past d}

Conjugation III

Kashmiri conjugations

71

What are a, b, c and d? They are morphomes (Aronoff 1994).

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SLIDE 72

From the point of view of content, there are three past tenses in Kashmiri; but from the point of view of form, there are four. Recent past

Conjugations I, II

{past a}

Conjugation III

{past b} Indefinite past

Conjugations I, II Conjugation III

{past c} Remote past

Conjugations I, II

{past d}

Conjugation III

Kashmiri conjugations

72

What are a, b, c and d? They are morphomic properties (Aronoff 1994).

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SLIDE 73

Modeling the dichotomy of content and form in inflectional morphology with an alternative to the cell interface model

73

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SLIDE 74
  • 6. The paradigm linkage model

74

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SLIDE 75

The content paradigm of a lexeme L is a set of content cells: L, σ  Each content cell is matched with a form cell, which determines its inflectional realization.  In the default case, the content cell L, σ is matched with the form cell Z, σ, where Z is L’s default stem.  But the relation between a content cell and the form cell with which it is matched may be mediated by a property mapping f such that L, σ is matched with Z, f(σ). The form paradigm of a stem Z is a set of form cells: Z, τ Rules of semantic interpretation apply to content cells. Realization rules apply to form cells. Paradigm linkage model

75

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SLIDE 76

The content paradigm of a lexeme L is a set of content cells: L, σ  Each content cell is matched with a form cell, which determines its inflectional realization.  In the default case, the content cell L, σ is matched with the form cell Z, σ, where Z is L’s default stem.  But the relation between a content cell and the form cell with which it is matched may be mediated by a property mapping f such that L, σ is matched with Z, f(σ). The form paradigm of a stem Z is a set of form cells: Z, τ Rules of semantic interpretation apply to content cells. Realization rules apply to form cells. Paradigm linkage model

76

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SLIDE 77

The content paradigm of a lexeme L is a set of content cells: L, σ  Each content cell is matched with a form cell, which determines its inflectional realization.  In the default case, the content cell L, σ is matched with the form cell Z, σ, where Z is L’s default stem.  But the relation between a content cell and the form cell with which it is matched may be mediated by a property mapping f such that L, σ is matched with Z, f(σ). The form paradigm of a stem Z is a set of form cells: Z, τ Rules of semantic interpretation apply to content cells. Realization rules apply to form cells. Paradigm linkage model

77

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SLIDE 78

The content paradigm of a lexeme L is a set of content cells: L, σ  Each content cell is matched with a form cell, which determines its inflectional realization.  In the default case, the content cell L, σ is matched with the form cell Z, σ, where Z is L’s default stem.  But the relation between a content cell and the form cell with which it is matched may be mediated by a property mapping f such that L, σ is matched with Z, f(σ). The form paradigm of a stem Z is a set of form cells: Z, τ Rules of semantic interpretation apply to content cells. Realization rules apply to form cells. Paradigm linkage model

78

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SLIDE 79

The content paradigm of a lexeme L is a set of content cells: L, σ  Each content cell is matched with a form cell, which determines its inflectional realization.  In the default case, the content cell L, σ is matched with the form cell Z, σ, where Z is L’s default stem.  But the relation between a content cell and the form cell with which it is matched may be mediated by a property mapping f such that L, σ is matched with Z, f(σ). The form paradigm of a stem Z is a set of form cells: Z, τ Rules of semantic interpretation apply to content cells. Realization rules apply to form cells. Paradigm linkage model

79

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SLIDE 80

The content paradigm of a lexeme L is a set of content cells: L, σ  Each content cell is matched with a form cell, which determines its inflectional realization.  In the default case, the content cell L, σ is matched with the form cell Z, σ, where Z is L’s default stem.  But the relation between a content cell and the form cell with which it is matched may be mediated by a property mapping f such that L, σ is matched with Z, f(σ). The form paradigm of a stem Z is a set of form cells: Z, τ Rules of semantic interpretation apply to content cells. Realization rules apply to form cells. Paradigm linkage model

80

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SLIDE 81

The content paradigm of a lexeme L is a set of content cells: L, σ  Each content cell is matched with a form cell, which determines its inflectional realization.  In the default case, the content cell L, σ is matched with the form cell Z, σ, where Z is L’s default stem.  But the relation between a content cell and the form cell with which it is matched may be mediated by a property mapping f such that L, σ is matched with Z, f(σ). The form paradigm of a stem Z is a set of form cells: Z, τ Rules of semantic interpretation apply to content cells. Realization rules apply to form cells. Paradigm linkage model

81

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SLIDE 82

Paradigm linkage model

82

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SLIDE 83

Property mappings for Kashmiri verbs

Property mapping Domain Definition f Conjugations I and II f(σ:{recent past}) = σ:{past a} f(σ:{indefinite past}) = σ:{past b} f(σ:{remote past}) = σ:{past c} g Conjugation III g(σ:{recent past}) = σ:{past b} g(σ:{indefinite past}) = σ:{past c} g(σ:{remote past}) = σ:{past d} Paradigm linkage model

83

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SLIDE 84

Property mappings for Kashmiri verbs

Property mapping Domain Definition f Conjugations I and II f(σ:{recent past}) = σ:{past a} f(σ:{indefinite past}) = σ:{past b} f(σ:{remote past}) = σ:{past c} g Conjugation III g(σ:{recent past}) = σ:{past b} g(σ:{indefinite past}) = σ:{past c} g(σ:{remote past}) = σ:{past d} Paradigm linkage model

84

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SLIDE 85

Property mappings for Kashmiri verbs

Property mapping Domain Definition f Conjugations I and II f(σ:{recent past}) = σ:{past a} f(σ:{indefinite past}) = σ:{past b} f(σ:{remote past}) = σ:{past c} g Conjugation III g(σ:{recent past}) = σ:{past b} g(σ:{indefinite past}) = σ:{past c} g(σ:{remote past}) = σ:{past d} Paradigm linkage model

85

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SLIDE 86

Property mappings for Kashmiri verbs

Property mapping Domain Definition f Conjugations I and II f(σ:{recent past}) = σ:{past a} f(σ:{indefinite past}) = σ:{past b} f(σ:{remote past}) = σ:{past c} g Conjugation III g(σ:{recent past}) = σ:{past b} g(σ:{indefinite past}) = σ:{past c} g(σ:{remote past}) = σ:{past d} Paradigm linkage model

86

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SLIDE 87

Property mappings for Kashmiri verbs

Property mapping Domain Definition f Conjugations I and II f(σ:{recent past}) = σ:{past a} f(σ:{indefinite past}) = σ:{past b} f(σ:{remote past}) = σ:{past c} g Conjugation III g(σ:{recent past}) = σ:{past b} g(σ:{indefinite past}) = σ:{past c} g(σ:{remote past}) = σ:{past d} Paradigm linkage model

87

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SLIDE 88

Word-realization rules:

Block i i, X [V], σ:{past d} → Xi Block ii ii, X [V], σ:{past a sg masc} → Xu ii, X [V], σ:{past a 3 sg masc} → Xu ii, X [V], σ:{past a pl masc} → Xi ii, X [V], σ:{past a sg fem} → Xü ii, X [V], σ:{past a pl fem} → Xɛ ii, X [V], σ:{past} → Xy ii, X [V], σ:{past a} → X Block iii iii, X [V], σ:{past b masc sg} → Xō iii, X [V], σ:{past b masc pl} → Xē iii, X [V], σ:{past masc} → Xā iii, X [V], σ:{past fem} → Xēyɛ iii, X [V], σ:{past a masc/fem} → X Block iv iv, X [V], σ:{1 sg} → Xs iv, X [V], σ:{2 sg} → Xkh iv, X [V], σ:{2 pl} → Xwa iv, X [V], σ:{3 sg masc} → Xv iv, X [V], σ:{3 pl masc} → Xy iv, X [V], σ:{past a 3 sg/pl masc} → X

Paradigm function:

PF(X, σ:{1 pl}) = PF(X, σ:{3 pl});

  • therwise, PF(X, σ) = [ iv : [ iii : [ ii : [ i : X, σ ] ] ] ].

Paradigm linkage model

88

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SLIDE 89

Word-realization rules:

Block i i, X [V], σ:{past d} → Xi Block ii ii, X [V], σ:{past a sg masc} → Xu ii, X [V], σ:{past a 3 sg masc} → Xu ii, X [V], σ:{past a pl masc} → Xi ii, X [V], σ:{past a sg fem} → Xü ii, X [V], σ:{past a pl fem} → Xɛ ii, X [V], σ:{past} → Xy ii, X [V], σ:{past a} → X Block iii iii, X [V], σ:{past b masc sg} → Xō iii, X [V], σ:{past b masc pl} → Xē iii, X [V], σ:{past masc} → Xā iii, X [V], σ:{past fem} → Xēyɛ iii, X [V], σ:{past a masc/fem} → X Block iv iv, X [V], σ:{1 sg} → Xs iv, X [V], σ:{2 sg} → Xkh iv, X [V], σ:{2 pl} → Xwa iv, X [V], σ:{3 sg masc} → Xv iv, X [V], σ:{3 pl masc} → Xy iv, X [V], σ:{past a 3 sg/pl masc} → X

Paradigm function:

PF(X, σ:{1 pl}) = PF(X, σ:{3 pl});

  • therwise, PF(X, σ) = [ iv : [ iii : [ ii : [ i : X, σ ] ] ] ].

Paradigm linkage model

89

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SLIDE 90

λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])] λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[flyˈ(x)])]

↑↑ ↑

WUP, {3 sg masc indefinite past} WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

↓ ↓

wup, {3 sg masc b} wuph, {3 sg masc c}

↓ ↓

wupyōv wuphyāv

WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

λx[3,masc][RemPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])]

↑

WUP, {3 sg masc remote past}

↓

wup, {3 sg masc c}

↓

wupyāv

WUP ‘burn inside’ (Conj. II) WUPH ‘fly’ (Conj. III)

90

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SLIDE 91

λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])] λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[flyˈ(x)])]

↑ ↑

WUP, {3 sg masc indefinite past} WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

↓ ↓

wup, {3 sg masc b} wuph, {3 sg masc c}

↓ ↓

wupyōv wuphyāv

WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

λx[3,masc][RemPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])]

↑

WUP, {3 sg masc remote past}

↓

wup, {3 sg masc c}

↓

wupyāv

WUP ‘burn inside’ (Conj. II) WUPH ‘fly’ (Conj. III)

91

slide-92
SLIDE 92

λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])] λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[flyˈ(x)])]

↑ ↑

WUP, {3 sg masc indefinite past} WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

↓ ↓

wup, {3 sg masc b} wuph, {3 sg masc c}

↓ ↓

wupyōv wuphyāv

WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

λx[3,masc][RemPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])]

↑

WUP, {3 sg masc remote past}

↓

wup, {3 sg masc c}

↓

wupyāv

WUP ‘burn inside’ (Conj. II) WUPH ‘fly’ (Conj. III)

92

slide-93
SLIDE 93

λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])] λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[flyˈ(x)])]

↑ ↑

WUP, {3 sg masc indefinite past} WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

↓ ↓

wup, {3 sg masc b} wuph, {3 sg masc c}

↓ ↓

wupyōv wuphyāv

WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

λx[3,masc][RemPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])]

↑

WUP, {3 sg masc remote past}

↓

wup, {3 sg masc c}

↓

wupyāv

WUP ‘burn inside’ (Conj. II) WUPH ‘fly’ (Conj. III)

93

slide-94
SLIDE 94

λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])] λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[flyˈ(x)])]

↑ ↑

WUP, {3 sg masc indefinite past} WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

↓ ↓

wup, {3 sg masc b} wuph, {3 sg masc c}

↓ ↓

wupyōv wuphyāv

λx[3,masc][RemPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])]

↑

WUP, {3 sg masc remote past}

↓

wup, {3 sg masc c}

↓

wupyāv

WUP ‘burn inside’ (Conj. II) WUPH ‘fly’ (Conj. III)

94

slide-95
SLIDE 95

λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])] λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[flyˈ(x)])]

↑ ↑

WUP, {3 sg masc indefinite past} WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

↓ ↓

wup, {3 sg masc b} wuph, {3 sg masc c}

↓ ↓

wupyōv wuphyāv

λx[3,masc][RemPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])]

↑

WUP, {3 sg masc remote past}

↓

wup, {3 sg masc c}

↓

wupyāv

WUP ‘burn inside’ (Conj. II) WUPH ‘fly’ (Conj. III)

95

slide-96
SLIDE 96

λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])] λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[flyˈ(x)])]

↑ ↑

WUP, {3 sg masc indefinite past} WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

↓ ↓

wup, {3 sg masc b} wuph, {3 sg masc c}

↓ ↓

wupyōv wuphyāv

WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

λx[3,masc][RemPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])]

↑

WUP, {3 sg masc remote past} WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

↓ ↓

wup, {3 sg masc c} wuph, {3 sg masc c}

↓ ↓

wupyāv wuphyāv

WUP ‘burn inside’ (Conj. II) WUPH ‘fly’ (Conj. III)

96

slide-97
SLIDE 97

λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])] λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[flyˈ(x)])]

↑ ↑

WUP, {3 sg masc indefinite past} WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

f ↓ ↓

wup, {3 sg masc past b} wuph, {3 sg masc c}

↓ ↓

wupyōv wuphyāv

WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

λx[3,masc][RemPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])]

↑

WUP, {3 sg masc remote past} WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

f ↓ ↓

wup, {3 sg masc past c} wuph, {3 sg masc c}

↓ ↓

wupyāv wuphyāv

WUP ‘burn inside’ (Conj. II) WUPH ‘fly’ (Conj. III)

97

slide-98
SLIDE 98

λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])] λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[flyˈ(x)])]

↑ ↑

WUP, {3 sg masc indefinite past} WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

f ↓ ↓

wup, {3 sg masc past b} wuph, {3 sg masc c}

↓ ↓

wupyōv wuphyāv

WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

λx[3,masc][RemPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])]

↑

WUP, {3 sg masc remote past} WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

f ↓ ↓

wup, {3 sg masc past c} wuph, {3 sg masc c}

↓ ↓

wupyāv wuphyāv

WUP ‘burn inside’ (Conj. II) WUPH ‘fly’ (Conj. III)

98

slide-99
SLIDE 99

λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])] λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[flyˈ(x)])]

↑ ↑

WUP, {3 sg masc indefinite past} WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

f ↓ ↓

wup, {3 sg masc past b} wuph, {3 sg masc c}

↓ ↓

wupyōv wuphyāv

λx[3,masc][RemPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])]

↑

WUP, {3 sg masc remote past} WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

f ↓ ↓

wup, {3 sg masc past c} wuph, {3 sg masc c}

↓ ↓

wupyāv wuphyāv

WUP ‘burn inside’ (Conj. II) WUPH ‘fly’ (Conj. III)

99

slide-100
SLIDE 100

λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])] λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[flyˈ(x)])]

↑ ↑

WUP, {3 sg masc indefinite past} WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

f ↓ ↓

wup, {3 sg masc past b} wuph, {3 sg masc c}

↓

g

wupyōv wuphyāv

λx[3,masc][RemPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])]

↑

WUP, {3 sg masc remote past} WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

f ↓

wup, {3 sg masc past c} wuph, {3 sg masc past c}

↓ ↓

wupyāv wuphyāv

WUP ‘burn inside’ (Conj. II) WUPH ‘fly’ (Conj. III)

100

slide-101
SLIDE 101

λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])] λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[flyˈ(x)])]

↑ ↑

WUP, {3 sg masc indefinite past} WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

f ↓ ↓

wup, {3 sg masc past b}

↓

g

wupyōv wuphyāv

λx[3,masc][RemPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])]

↑

WUP, {3 sg masc remote past} WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

f ↓

wup, {3 sg masc past c} wuph, {3 sg masc past c}

↓ ↓

wupyāv wuphyāv

WUP ‘burn inside’ (Conj. II) WUPH ‘fly’ (Conj. III)

101

slide-102
SLIDE 102

λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])] λx[3,masc][RecPast(ˆ[flyˈ(x)])]

↑ ↑

WUP, {3 sg masc indefinite past} WUPH, {3 sg masc recent past}

f ↓ ↓

wup, {3 sg masc past b} wuph, {3 sg masc b}

↓ ↓

wupyōv wuphyōv

λx[3,masc][RemPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])]

↑

WUP, {3 sg masc remote past} WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

f ↓ ↓

wup, {3 sg masc past c} wuph, {3 sg masc past c}

↓ ↓

wupyāv wuphyāv

WUP ‘burn inside’ (Conj. II) WUPH ‘fly’ (Conj. III)

102

slide-103
SLIDE 103

λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])] λx[3,masc][RecPast(ˆ[flyˈ(x)])]

↑ ↑

WUP, {3 sg masc indefinite past} WUPH, {3 sg masc recent past}

f ↓ ↓

wup, {3 sg masc past b} wuph, {3 sg masc b}

↓ ↓

wupyōv wuphyōv

λx[3,masc][RemPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])]

↑

WUP, {3 sg masc remote past} WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

f ↓ ↓

wup, {3 sg masc past c} wuph, {3 sg masc past c}

↓ ↓

wupyāv wuphyāv

WUP ‘burn inside’ (Conj. II) WUPH ‘fly’ (Conj. III)

103

slide-104
SLIDE 104

λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])] λx[3,masc][RecPast(ˆ[flyˈ(x)])]

↑ ↑

WUP, {3 sg masc indefinite past} WUPH, {3 sg masc recent past}

f ↓ ↓

wup, {3 sg masc past b} wuph, {3 sg masc b}

↓ ↓

wupyōv wuphyōv

λx[3,masc][RemPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])]

↑

WUP, {3 sg masc remote past} WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

f ↓ ↓

wup, {3 sg masc past c} wuph, {3 sg masc past c}

↓ ↓

wupyāv wuphyāv

WUP ‘burn inside’ (Conj. II) WUPH ‘fly’ (Conj. III)

104

slide-105
SLIDE 105

λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])] λx[3,masc][RecPast(ˆ[flyˈ(x)])]

↑ ↑

WUP, {3 sg masc indefinite past} WUPH, {3 sg masc recent past}

f ↓ g↓

wup, {3 sg masc past b} wuph, {3 sg masc past b}

↓ ↓

wupyōv wuphyōv

λx[3,masc][RemPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])]

↑

WUP, {3 sg masc remote past} WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

f ↓ ↓

wup, {3 sg masc past c} wuph, {3 sg masc past c}

↓ ↓

wupyāv wuphyāv

WUP ‘burn inside’ (Conj. II) WUPH ‘fly’ (Conj. III)

105

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SLIDE 106

λx[3,masc][IndefPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])] λx[3,masc][RecPast(ˆ[flyˈ(x)])]

↑ ↑

WUP, {3 sg masc indefinite past} WUPH, {3 sg masc recent past}

f ↓ g↓

wup, {3 sg masc past b} wuph, {3 sg masc past b}

↓ ↓

wupyōv wuphyōv

λx[3,masc][RemPast(ˆ[burn_insideˈ(x)])]

↑

WUP, {3 sg masc remote past} WUPH, {3 sg masc indefinite past}

f ↓ ↓

wup, {3 sg masc past c} wuph, {3 sg masc past c}

↓ ↓

wupyāv wuphyāv

WUP ‘burn inside’ (Conj. II) WUPH ‘fly’ (Conj. III)

106

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SLIDE 107

Interim conclusions Two types of paradigms must be distinguished in the definition of a language’s inflectional morphology: content paradigms and form paradigms. The former determine semantic interpretation; the latter determine inflectional realization. In the simplest cases, a content paradigm is isomorphic to the form paradigm from which it gets its realizations. In more challenging cases, the relation between a content paradigm and the corresponding form paradigm is mediated by a property mapping.

107

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SLIDE 108

Interim conclusions Two types of paradigms must be distinguished in the definition of a language’s inflectional morphology: content paradigms and form paradigms. The former determine semantic interpretation; the latter determine inflectional realization. In the simplest cases, a content paradigm is isomorphic to the form paradigm from which it gets its realizations. In more challenging cases, the relation between a content paradigm and the corresponding form paradigm is mediated by a property mapping.

108

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SLIDE 109

Interim conclusions Two types of paradigms must be distinguished in the definition of a language’s inflectional morphology: content paradigms and form paradigms. The former determine semantic interpretation; the latter determine inflectional realization. In the simplest cases, a content paradigm is isomorphic to the form paradigm from which it gets its realizations. In more challenging cases, the relation between a content paradigm and the corresponding form paradigm is mediated by a property mapping.

109

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SLIDE 110

Declensional paradigm of Turkish ADAM ‘man’ Singular Plural Nominative adam adam-lar Accusative adam-ı adam-lar-ı Dative adam-a adam-lar-a Locative adam-da adam-lar-da Ablative adam-dan adam-lar-dan Genitive adam-ın adam-lar-ın

110

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SLIDE 111

An isomorphic relation between content paradigms and form paradigms, exemplified by the declension of Turkish ADAM ‘man’ Content paradigm Form paradigm Realized paradigm ADAM, {nom sg}  adam, {nom sg} → adam, {nom sg} ADAM, {acc sg}  adam, {acc sg} → adamı, {acc sg} ADAM, {dat sg}  adam, {dat sg} → adama, {dat sg} ADAM, {loc sg}  adam, {loc sg} → adamda, {loc sg} ADAM, {abl sg}  adam, {abl sg} → adamdan, {abl sg} ADAM, {gen sg}  adam, {gen sg} → adamın, {gen sg} ADAM, {nom pl}  adam, {nom pl} → adamlar, {nom pl} ADAM, {acc pl}  adam, {acc pl} → adamları, {acc pl} ADAM, {dat pl}  adam, {dat pl} → adamlara, {dat pl} ADAM, {loc pl}  adam, {loc pl} → adamlarda, {loc pl} ADAM, {abl pl}  adam, {abl pl} → adamlardan,{abl pl} ADAM, {gen pl}  adam, {gen pl} → adamların, {gen pl}

111

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SLIDE 112

A non-isomorphic relation between content paradigms and form paradigms, exemplified by the conjugation of Kashmiri WUPH ‘fly’ Content paradigm Form paradigm WUPH, {1sg masc rec past}  wuph, {1sg masc past b III} WUPH, {2sg masc rec past}  wuph, {2sg masc past b III} WUPH, {3sg masc rec past}  wuph, {3sg masc past b III} WUPH, {1pl masc rec past}  wuph, {1pl masc past b III} WUPH, {2pl masc rec past}  wuph, {2pl masc past b III} WUPH, {3pl masc rec past}  wuph, {3pl masc past b III} WUPH, {1sg masc indef past}  wuph, {1sg masc past c III} WUPH, {2sg masc indef past}  wuph, {2sg masc past c III} WUPH, {3sg masc indef past}  wuph, {3sg masc past c III} WUPH, {1pl masc indef past}  wuph, {1pl masc past c III} WUPH, {2pl masc indef past}  wuph, {2pl masc past c III} WUPH, {3pl masc indef past}  wuph, {3pl masc past c III}

112

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SLIDE 113

A non-isomorphic relation between content paradigms and form paradigms, exemplified by the conjugation of Kashmiri WUPH ‘fly’ Content paradigm Form paradigm WUPH, {1sg masc rec past}  wuph, {1sg masc past b III} WUPH, {2sg masc rec past}  wuph, {2sg masc past b III} WUPH, {3sg masc rec past}  wuph, {3sg masc past b III} WUPH, {1pl masc rec past}  wuph, {1pl masc past b III} WUPH, {2pl masc rec past}  wuph, {2pl masc past b III} WUPH, {3pl masc rec past}  wuph, {3pl masc past b III} WUPH, {1sg masc indef past}  wuph, {1sg masc past c III} WUPH, {2sg masc indef past}  wuph, {2sg masc past c III} WUPH, {3sg masc indef past}  wuph, {3sg masc past c III} WUPH, {1pl masc indef past}  wuph, {1pl masc past c III} WUPH, {2pl masc indef past}  wuph, {2pl masc past c III} WUPH, {3pl masc indef past}  wuph, {3pl masc past c III}

113

slide-114
SLIDE 114

A non-isomorphic relation between content paradigms and form paradigms, exemplified by the conjugation of Kashmiri WUPH ‘fly’ Content paradigm Form paradigm WUPH, {1sg masc rec past}  wuph, {1sg masc past b III} WUPH, {2sg masc rec past}  wuph, {2sg masc past b III} WUPH, {3sg masc rec past}  wuph, {3sg masc past b III} WUPH, {1pl masc rec past}  wuph, {1pl masc past b III} WUPH, {2pl masc rec past}  wuph, {2pl masc past b III} WUPH, {3pl masc rec past}  wuph, {3pl masc past b III} WUPH, {1sg masc indef past}  wuph, {1sg masc past c III} WUPH, {2sg masc indef past}  wuph, {2sg masc past c III} WUPH, {3sg masc indef past}  wuph, {3sg masc past c III} WUPH, {1pl masc indef past}  wuph, {1pl masc past c III} WUPH, {2pl masc indef past}  wuph, {2pl masc past c III} WUPH, {3pl masc indef past}  wuph, {3pl masc past c III}

114

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SLIDE 115

A non-isomorphic relation between content paradigms and form paradigms, exemplified by the conjugation of Kashmiri WUPH ‘fly’ Form paradigm Realized paradigm wuph, {1sg masc past b III} →

wuphyōs

wuph, {2sg masc past b III} →

wuphyōkh

wuph, {3sg masc past b III} →

wuphyōv

wuph, {1pl masc past b III} →

wuphyēy

wuph, {2pl masc past b III} →

wuphyēwa

wuph, {3pl masc past b III} →

wuphyēy

wuph, {1sg masc past c III} →

wuphyās

wuph, {2sg masc past c III} →

wuphyākh

wuph, {3sg masc past c III} →

wuphyāv

wuph, {1pl masc past c III} →

wuphyāy

wuph, {2pl masc past c III} →

wuphyāwa

wuph, {3pl masc past c III} →

wuphyāy

115

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SLIDE 116

A puzzle from Hua (Trans-New-Guinea; Papua New Guinea)

  • Haiman. John. 1980. Hua: A Papuan language of

the eastern highlands of New Guinea. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

In the Kashmiri example, the mismatch beween content and form

  • involves semantic content and
  • is only observable through the comparison of distinct

paradigms. But the paradigm linkage is also motivated by mismatches between content and form that

  • involve syntactic content and
  • are observable within individual paradigms.

116

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SLIDE 117

A puzzle from Hua (Trans-New-Guinea; Papua New Guinea)

  • Haiman. John. 1980. Hua: A Papuan language of

the eastern highlands of New Guinea. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

In the Kashmiri example, the mismatch beween content and form

  • involves semantic content and
  • is only observable through the comparison of distinct

paradigms. But the paradigm linkage approach is also motivated by mismatches between content and form that

  • involve syntactic content and
  • are observable within individual paradigms.

117

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SLIDE 118
  • 7. Hua verb agreement

Haiman, John. 1980. Hua: A Papuan language

  • f the eastern highlands of New Guinea.

Amsterdam: Benjamins.

118

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SLIDE 119

Modal properties expressed by verb inflection in Hua

Indicative Interrogative Relative Purposive Concessive-expectant Inconsequential Medial: a. Coordinate b. Subordinate Exclamatory Assertive Counterfactual: a. Protasis b. Apodosis Hua verb agreement

119

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SLIDE 120

Three verb types in Hua (interrogative forms)

Type I:

HU ‘do’

Type II:

DO ‘eat’

Type III:

MI ‘give’

‘Did I do? ...’ ‘Did I eat? ...’ ‘Did I give?...’ hu-ve do-ve mu-ve ha-pe da-pe mi-pe hi-ve de-ve mi-ve hu-’ve do-’ve mu-’ve ha-’ve da-’ve mi-’ve hu-pe do-pe mu-pe ha-ve da-ve mi-ve

Hua verb agreement

120

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SLIDE 121

Three verb types in Hua (interrogative forms)

Type I:

HU ‘do’

Type II:

DO ‘eat’

Type III:

MI ‘give’

‘Did I do? ...’ ‘Did I eat? ...’ ‘Did I give?...’ hu-ve do-ve mu-ve ha-pe da-pe mi-pe hi-ve de-ve mi-ve hu-’ve do-’ve mu-’ve ha-’ve da-’ve mi-’ve hu-pe do-pe mu-pe ha-ve da-ve mi-ve

Hua verb agreement

121

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SLIDE 122

Three verb types in Hua (interrogative forms)

Type I:

HU ‘do’

Type II:

DO ‘eat’

Type III:

MI ‘give’

‘Did I do? ...’ ‘Did I eat? ...’ ‘Did I give?...’ hu-ve do-ve mu-ve ha-pe da-pe mi-pe hi-ve de-ve mi-ve hu-’ve do-’ve mu-’ve ha-’ve da-’ve mi-’ve hu-pe do-pe mu-pe ha-ve da-ve mi-ve

Hua verb agreement

122

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SLIDE 123

Three verb types in Hua (interrogative forms)

Type I:

HU ‘do’

Type II:

DO ‘eat’

Type III:

MI ‘give’

‘Did I do? ...’ ‘Did I eat? ...’ ‘Did I give?...’ hu-ve do-ve mu-ve ha-pe da-pe mi-pe hi-ve de-ve mi-ve hu-’ve do-’ve mu-’ve ha-’ve da-’ve mi-’ve hu-pe do-pe mu-pe ha-ve da-ve mi-ve

Hua verb agreement

123

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SLIDE 124

Three verb types in Hua (interrogative forms)

Type I:

HU ‘do’

Type II:

DO ‘eat’

Type III:

MI ‘give’

‘Did I do? ...’ ‘Did I eat? ...’ ‘Did I give?...’ hu-ve do-ve mu-ve ha-pe da-pe mi-pe hi-ve de-ve mi-ve hu-’ve do-’ve mu-’ve ha-’ve da-’ve mi-’ve hu-pe do-pe mu-pe ha-ve da-ve mi-ve

Hua verb agreement

124

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SLIDE 125

Three verb types in Hua (interrogative forms)

Type I:

HU ‘do’

Type II:

DO ‘eat’

Type III:

MI ‘give’

‘Did I do? ...’ ‘Did I eat? ...’ ‘Did I give?...’ hu-ve do-ve mu-ve ha-pe da-pe mi-pe hi-ve de-ve mi-ve hu-’ve do-’ve mu-’ve ha-’ve da-’ve mi-’ve hu-pe do-pe mu-pe ha-ve da-ve mi-ve

Hua verb agreement

125

slide-126
SLIDE 126

Three verb types in Hua (interrogative forms)

Type I:

HU ‘do’

Type II:

DO ‘eat’

Type III:

MI ‘give’

‘Did I do? ...’ ‘Did I eat? ...’ ‘Did I give?...’ hu-ve do-ve mu-ve ha-pe da-pe mi-pe hi-ve de-ve mi-ve hu-’ve do-’ve mu-’ve ha-’ve da-’ve mi-’ve hu-pe do-pe mu-pe ha-ve da-ve mi-ve

Hua verb agreement

126

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SLIDE 127

Stem ablaut in Hua verbs

Type I:

HU ‘do’

Type II:

DO ‘eat’

Type III:

MI ‘give’

1 hu- do- mu- 2 ha- da- mi- 3 hi- de- mi-

Hua verb agreement

127

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SLIDE 128

Stem ablaut in Hua verbs

Type I:

HU ‘do’

Type II:

DO ‘eat’

Type III:

MI ‘give’

1 hu- do- mu- back 2 ha- da- mi- 3 hi- de- mi-

Hua verb agreement

128

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SLIDE 129

Stem ablaut in Hua verbs

Type I:

HU ‘do’

Type II:

DO ‘eat’

Type III:

MI ‘give’

1 hu- do- mu- back 2 ha- da- mi- 3 hi- de- mi- front

Hua verb agreement

129

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SLIDE 130

Stem ablaut in Hua verbs

Type I:

HU ‘do’

Type II:

DO ‘eat’

Type III:

MI ‘give’

1 hu- do- mu- back 2 ha- da- mi- diagonal 3 hi- de- mi- front

Hua verb agreement

130

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SLIDE 131

Stem ablaut in Hua verbs

Type I:

HU ‘do’

Type II:

DO ‘eat’

Type III:

MI ‘give’

Root hu- do mi- 1 hu- do- mu- 2 ha- da- mi- 3 hi- de- mi-

Hua verb agreement

131

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SLIDE 132

Stem ablaut in Hua verbs

Type I:

HU ‘do’

Type II:

DO ‘eat’

Type III:

MI ‘give’

Rules of stem ablaut Root hu- do mi- 1 hu- do- mu- 2 ha- da- mi- 3 hi- de- mi-

Hua verb agreement

132

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SLIDE 133

Stem ablaut in Hua verbs

Type I:

HU ‘do’

Type II:

DO ‘eat’

Type III:

MI ‘give’

Rules of stem ablaut Root hu- do mi- 1 hu- do- mu- V  [–front] 2 ha- da- mi- 3 hi- de- mi-

Hua verb agreement

133

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SLIDE 134

Stem ablaut in Hua verbs

Type I:

HU ‘do’

Type II:

DO ‘eat’

Type III:

MI ‘give’

Rules of stem ablaut Root hu- do mi- 1 hu- do- mu- V  [–front] 2 ha- da- mi- 3 hi- de- mi- V  [+front]

Hua verb agreement

134

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SLIDE 135

Stem ablaut in Hua verbs

Type I:

HU ‘do’

Type II:

DO ‘eat’

Type III:

MI ‘give’

Rules of stem ablaut Root hu- do mi- 1 hu- do- mu- V  [–front] 2 ha- da- mi- V [–front]  [+low] 3 hi- de- mi- V  [+front]

Hua verb agreement

135

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SLIDE 136

Three verb types in Hua (interrogative forms)

Type I:

HU ‘do’

Type II:

DO ‘eat’

Type III:

MI ‘give’

‘Did I do? ...’ ‘Did I eat? ...’ ‘Did I give?...’ hu-ve do-ve mu-ve ha-pe da-pe mi-pe hi-ve de-ve mi-ve hu-’ve do-’ve mu-’ve ha-’ve da-’ve mi-’ve hu-pe do-pe mu-pe ha-ve da-ve mi-ve

Hua verb agreement

136

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SLIDE 137

Interrogative forms in Hua, arranged by form

Type I: HU ‘do’ Type II: DO ‘eat’ A B C A B C 1 hu-ve hu-’ve hu-pe 1 do-ve do-’ve do-pe 2 ha-ve ha-’ve ha-pe 2 da-ve da-’ve da-pe 3 hi-ve 3 de-ve Type III: MI ‘give’ A B C 1 mu-ve mu-’ve mu-pe 2 mi-ve mi-’ve mi-pe 3 mi-ve

137

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SLIDE 138

Interrogative forms in Hua, arranged by form

Type I: HU ‘do’ Type II: DO ‘eat’ A B C A B C 1 hu-ve hu-’ve hu-pe 1 do-ve do-’ve do-pe 2 ha-ve ha-’ve ha-pe 2 da-ve da-’ve da-pe 3 hi-ve 3 de-ve Type III: MI ‘give’ A B C 1 mu-ve mu-’ve mu-pe 2 mi-ve mi-’ve mi-pe 3 mi-ve

Word forms in each row share the same ablaut grade.

138

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SLIDE 139

Interrogative forms in Hua, arranged by form

Type I: HU ‘do’ Type II: DO ‘eat’ A B C A B C 1 hu-ve hu-’ve hu-pe 1 do-ve do-’ve do-pe 2 ha-ve ha-’ve ha-pe 2 da-ve da-’ve da-pe 3 hi-ve 3 de-ve Type III: MI ‘give’ A B C 1 mu-ve mu-’ve mu-pe 2 mi-ve mi-’ve mi-pe 3 mi-ve

139

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SLIDE 140

Interrogative forms in Hua, arranged by form

Type I: HU ‘do’ Type II: DO ‘eat’ A B C A B C 1 hu-ve hu-’ve hu-pe 1 do-ve do-’ve do-pe 2 ha-ve ha-’ve ha-pe 2 da-ve da-’ve da-pe 3 hi-ve 3 de-ve Type III: MI ‘give’ A B C 1 mu-ve mu-’ve mu-pe 2 mi-ve mi-’ve mi-pe 3 mi-ve

140

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SLIDE 141

Interrogative forms in Hua, arranged by form

Type I: HU ‘do’ Type II: DO ‘eat’ A B C A B C 1 hu-ve hu-’ve hu-pe 1 do-ve do-’ve do-pe 2 ha-ve ha-’ve ha-pe 2 da-ve da-’ve da-pe 3 hi-ve 3 de-ve Type III: MI ‘give’ A B C 1 mu-ve mu-’ve mu-pe 2 mi-ve mi-’ve mi-pe 3 mi-ve

141

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SLIDE 142

Interrogative forms in Hua, arranged by form

Type I: HU ‘do’ Type II: DO ‘eat’ A B C A B C 1 hu-ve hu-’ve hu-pe 1 do-ve do-’ve do-pe 2 ha-ve ha-’ve ha-pe 2 da-ve da-’ve da-pe 3 hi-ve 3 de-ve Type III: MI ‘give’ A B C 1 mu-ve mu-’ve mu-pe 2 mi-ve mi-’ve mi-pe 3 mi-ve

Word forms in each column share the same suffix.

142

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SLIDE 143

Interrogative forms in Hua, arranged by form

Type I: HU ‘do’ Type II: DO ‘eat’ A B C A B C 1 hu-ve hu-’ve hu-pe 1 do-ve do-’ve do-pe 2 ha-ve ha-’ve ha-pe 2 da-ve da-’ve da-pe 3 hi-ve 3 de-ve Type III: MI ‘give’ A B C 1 mu-ve mu-’ve mu-pe 2 mi-ve mi-’ve mi-pe 3 mi-ve

143

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SLIDE 144

Interrogative forms in Hua, arranged by form

Type I: HU ‘do’ Type II: DO ‘eat’ A B C A B C 1 hu-ve hu-’ve hu-pe 1 do-ve do-’ve do-pe 2 ha-ve ha-’ve ha-pe 2 da-ve da-’ve da-pe 3 hi-ve 3 de-ve Type III: MI ‘give’ A B C 1 mu-ve mu-’ve mu-pe 2 mi-ve mi-’ve mi-pe 3 mi-ve

144

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SLIDE 145

Interrogative forms in Hua, arranged by form

Type I: HU ‘do’ Type II: DO ‘eat’ A B C A B C 1 hu-ve hu-’ve hu-pe 1 do-ve do-’ve do-pe 2 ha-ve ha-’ve ha-pe 2 da-ve da-’ve da-pe 3 hi-ve 3 de-ve Type III: MI ‘give’ A B C 1 mu-ve mu-’ve mu-pe 2 mi-ve mi-’ve mi-pe 3 mi-ve

145

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SLIDE 146

Interrogative forms in Hua, arranged by form

Type I: HU ‘do’ Type II: DO ‘eat’ A B C A B C 1 hu-ve hu-’ve hu-pe 1 do-ve do-’ve do-pe 2 ha-ve ha-’ve ha-pe 2 da-ve da-’ve da-pe 3 hi-ve 3 de-ve Type III: MI ‘give’ A B C 1 mu-ve mu-’ve mu-pe 2 mi-ve mi-’ve mi-pe 3 mi-ve

146

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SLIDE 147

Interrogative forms in Hua, arranged by content

Type I: HU ‘do’ Type II: DO ‘eat’

SG DU PL SG DU PL

1st hu-ve hu-’ve hu-pe 1st do-ve do-’ve do-pe 2nd ha-pe ha-’ve ha-ve 2nd da-pe da-’ve da-ve 3rd hi-ve " " 3rd de-ve " " Type III: MI ‘give’

SG DU PL

1st mu-ve mu-’ve mu-pe 2nd mi-pe mi-’ve mi-ve 3rd mi-ve " "

147

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SLIDE 148

Interrogative forms in Hua, arranged by content

Type I: HU ‘do’ Type II: DO ‘eat’

SG DU PL SG DU PL

1st hu-ve hu-’ve hu-pe 1st do-ve do-’ve do-pe 2nd ha-pe ha-’ve ha-ve 2nd da-pe da-’ve da-ve 3rd hi-ve " " 3rd de-ve " " Type III: MI ‘give’

SG DU PL

1st mu-ve mu-’ve mu-pe 2nd mi-pe mi-’ve mi-ve 3rd mi-ve " "

148

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SLIDE 149

Interrogative forms in Hua, arranged by content

Type I: HU ‘do’ Type II: DO ‘eat’

SG DU PL SG DU PL

1st hu-ve hu-’ve hu-pe 1st do-ve do-’ve do-pe 2nd ha-pe ha-’ve ha-ve 2nd da-pe da-’ve da-ve 3rd hi-ve " " 3rd de-ve " " Type III: MI ‘give’

SG DU PL

1st mu-ve mu-’ve mu-pe 2nd mi-pe mi-’ve mi-ve 3rd mi-ve " "

149

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SLIDE 150

Type I: HU ‘do’

arranged by content arranged by form

SG DU PL

A

DU

C 1 hu-ve hu-’ve hu-pe 1 hu-ve hu-’ve hu-pe 2 ha-pe ha-’ve ha-ve 2 ha-ve ha-’ve ha-pe 3 hi-ve " " 3 hi-ve

Hua verb agreement

150

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SLIDE 151

Type I: HU ‘do’

arranged by content arranged by form

SG DU PL

A

DU

C 1 hu-ve hu-’ve hu-pe 1 hu-ve hu-’ve hu-pe 2 ha-pe ha-’ve ha-ve 2 ha-ve ha-’ve ha-pe 3 hi-ve " " 3 hi-ve 1sg 1du 1pl 2pl 2du 2sg 3sg

Hua verb agreement

151

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SLIDE 152

Subject markers in Hua

Indicative Interrogative Relative Purposive Concessive-expectant Inconsequential Medial Exclamatory Assertive Counterfactual Coordinate Subordinate Protasis Apodosis A -e

  • ve -ma’ -mi’ -va
  • mana -ga -ma -mane -mae -hipana
  • hine

DU -’e

  • ’ve -’ma’ -’mi’ -’va -’mana -’ga -’ma -’mane -’mae -’hipana -’hine

C -ne -pe -pa’

  • pi’
  • pa
  • pana -na -pa
  • pane -pae
  • sipana
  • sine

Hua verb agreement

152

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SLIDE 153

The property C in this analysis is not a morphosyntactic property, since syntax is insensitive to it; it is instead a morphomic property. (Property A is ‘not dual and not C’.)

Hua verb agreement

153

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SLIDE 154

The property C in this analysis is not a morphosyntactic property, since syntax is insensitive to it; it is instead a morphomic property. (Property A is ‘not dual and not C’.)

Hua verb agreement

154

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SLIDE 155

A paradigm-linkage analysis

  • f Hua verb inflection

Hua verb agreement

155

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SLIDE 156

Mismatch between content and form in Hua verbal paradigms PERSON 1 2 3 NUMBER sg du pl sg du pl sg du pl interrogative interrogative “NUMBER” –du –C du C –du –C du C –du –C PERSON 1 2 3 Hua verb agreement

156

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SLIDE 157

Mismatch between content and form in Hua verbal paradigms PERSON 1 2 3 NUMBER sg du pl sg du pl sg du pl interrogative interrogative “NUMBER” –du –C du C –du –C du C –du –C PERSON 1 2 3 Hua verb agreement

157

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SLIDE 158

Mismatch between content and form in Hua verbal paradigms PERSON 1 2 3 NUMBER sg du pl sg du pl sg du pl interrogative interrogative “NUMBER” –du –C du C –du –C du C –du –C PERSON 1 2 3 Hua verb agreement

158

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SLIDE 159

Mismatch between content and form in Hua verbal paradigms PERSON 1 2 3 NUMBER sg du pl sg du pl sg du pl interrogative interrogative “NUMBER” –du –C du C –du –C du C –du –C PERSON 1 2 3 Hua verb agreement

159

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SLIDE 160

The Hua property mapping pm Intensional definition Extensional definition pm(σ:{2, sg}) = σ[sg/C] σ pm(σ) pm(σ:{1, pl}) = σ[pl/C] {1, sg ...} {1, sg ...} pm(σ:{3 sg}) = σ {2, sg ...} {2, C ...} pm(σ:{3}) = σ[3/2] {3, sg ...} {3, sg ...} pm(σ:{}) = σ {1, du ...} {1, du ...} (σ:{X} is a variable over supersets of {X}; σ[a/b] is the result of replacing a with b in σ.) {2, du ...} {2, du ...} {3, du ...} {2, du ...} {1, pl ...} {1, C ...} {2, pl ...} {2, pl ...} {3, pl ...} {2, pl ...}

Hua verb agreement

160

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SLIDE 161

The Hua property mapping pm Intensional definition Extensional definition pm(σ:{2, sg}) = σ[sg/C] σ pm(σ) pm(σ:{1, pl}) = σ[pl/C] {1, sg ...} {1, sg ...} pm(σ:{3 sg}) = σ {2, sg ...} {2, C ...} pm(σ:{3}) = σ[3/2] {3, sg ...} {3, sg ...} pm(σ:{}) = σ {1, du ...} {1, du ...} (σ:{X} is a variable over supersets of {X}; σ[a/b] is the result of replacing a with b in σ.) {2, du ...} {2, du ...} {3, du ...} {2, du ...} {1, pl ...} {1, C ...} {2, pl ...} {2, pl ...} {3, pl ...} {2, pl ...}

Hua verb agreement

161

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SLIDE 162

The Hua property mapping pm Intensional definition Extensional definition pm(σ:{2, sg}) = σ[sg/C] σ pm(σ) pm(σ:{1, pl}) = σ[pl/C] {1, sg ...} {1, sg ...} pm(σ:{3 sg}) = σ {2, sg ...} {2, C ...} pm(σ:{3}) = σ[3/2] {3, sg ...} {3, sg ...} pm(σ:{}) = σ {1, du ...} {1, du ...} (σ:{X} is a variable over supersets of {X}; σ[a/b] is the result of replacing a with b in σ.) {2, du ...} {2, du ...} {3, du ...} {2, du ...} {1, pl ...} {1, C ...} {2, pl ...} {2, pl ...} {3, pl ...} {2, pl ...}

Hua verb agreement

162

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SLIDE 163

The Hua property mapping pm Intensional definition Extensional definition pm(σ:{2, sg}) = σ[sg/C] σ pm(σ) pm(σ:{1, pl}) = σ[pl/C] {1, sg ...} {1, sg ...} pm(σ:{3 sg}) = σ {2, sg ...} {2, C ...} pm(σ:{3}) = σ[3/2] {3, sg ...} {3, sg ...} pm(σ:{}) = σ {1, du ...} {1, du ...} (σ:{X} is a variable over supersets of {X}; σ[a/b] is the result of replacing a with b in σ.) {2, du ...} {2, du ...} {3, du ...} {2, du ...} {1, pl ...} {1, C ...} {2, pl ...} {2, pl ...} {3, pl ...} {2, pl ...}

Hua verb agreement

163

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SLIDE 164

The Hua property mapping pm Intensional definition Extensional definition pm(σ:{2, sg}) = σ[sg/C] σ pm(σ) pm(σ:{1, pl}) = σ[pl/C] {1, sg ...} {1, sg ...} pm(σ:{3 sg}) = σ {2, sg ...} {2, C ...} pm(σ:{3}) = σ[3/2] {3, sg ...} {3, sg ...} pm(σ:{}) = σ {1, du ...} {1, du ...} (σ:{X} is a variable over supersets of {X}; σ[a/b] is the result of replacing a with b in σ.) {2, du ...} {2, du ...} {3, du ...} {2, du ...} {1, pl ...} {1, C ...} {2, pl ...} {2, pl ...} {3, pl ...} {2, pl ...}

Hua verb agreement

164

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SLIDE 165

Interrogative paradigms of the Hua verb HU ‘do’

Content paradigm  HU, {1sg intrg}   HU, {1du intrg}   HU, {1pl intrg}   HU, {2sg intrg}   HU, {2du intrg}   HU, {2pl intrg}   HU, {3sg intrg}   HU, {3du intrg}   HU, {3pl intrg}  Form paradigm  hu, {1sg intrg}   hu, {1du intrg}   hu, {1C intrg}   hu, {2pl intrg}   hu, {2du intrg}   hu, {2C intrg}   hu, {3sg intrg}  Realized paradigm  hu-ve, {1sg intrg}   hu-’ve , {1du intrg}   hu-pe, {1C intrg}   ha-ve, {2pl intrg}   ha-’ve , {2du intrg}   ha-pe, {1C intrg}   hi-ve, {3sg intrg} 

165

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SLIDE 166

Interrogative paradigms of the Hua verb HU ‘do’

Content paradigm  HU, {1sg intrg}   HU, {1du intrg}   HU, {1pl intrg}   HU, {2sg intrg}   HU, {2du intrg}   HU, {2pl intrg}   HU, {3sg intrg}   HU, {3du intrg}   HU, {3pl intrg}  Form paradigm  hu, {1sg intrg}   hu, {1du intrg}   hu, {1C intrg}   hu, {2pl intrg}   hu, {2du intrg}   hu, {2C intrg}   hu, {3sg intrg}  Realized paradigm  hu-ve, {1sg intrg}   hu-’ve , {1du intrg}   hu-pe, {1C intrg}   ha-ve, {2pl intrg}   ha-’ve , {2du intrg}   ha-pe, {1C intrg}   hi-ve, {3sg intrg} 

166

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SLIDE 167

Interrogative paradigms of the Hua verb HU ‘do’

Content paradigm  HU, {1sg intrg}   HU, {1du intrg}   HU, {1pl intrg}   HU, {2sg intrg}   HU, {2du intrg}   HU, {2pl intrg}   HU, {3sg intrg}   HU, {3du intrg}   HU, {3pl intrg}  Form paradigm  hu, {1sg intrg}   hu, {1du intrg}   hu, {1C intrg}   hu, {2pl intrg}   hu, {2du intrg}   hu, {2C intrg}   hu, {3sg intrg}  Realized paradigm  hu-ve, {1sg intrg}   hu-’ve , {1du intrg}   hu-pe, {1C intrg}   ha-ve, {2pl intrg}   ha-’ve , {2du intrg}   ha-pe, {1C intrg}   hi-ve, {3sg intrg} 

167

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SLIDE 168

Interrogative paradigms of the Hua verb HU ‘do’

Content paradigm  HU, {1sg intrg}   HU, {1du intrg}   HU, {1pl intrg}   HU, {2sg intrg}   HU, {2du intrg}   HU, {2pl intrg}   HU, {3sg intrg}   HU, {3du intrg}   HU, {3pl intrg}  Form paradigm  hu, {1sg intrg}   hu, {1du intrg}   hu, {1C intrg}   hu, {2pl intrg}   hu, {2du intrg}   hu, {2C intrg}   hu, {3sg intrg}  Realized paradigm  hu-ve, {1sg intrg}   hu-’ve , {1du intrg}   hu-pe, {1C intrg}   ha-ve, {2pl intrg}   ha-’ve , {2du intrg}   ha-pe, {1C intrg}   hi-ve, {3sg intrg} 

168

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SLIDE 169

Interrogative paradigms of the Hua verb HU ‘do’

Content paradigm  HU, {1sg intrg}   HU, {1du intrg}   HU, {1pl intrg}   HU, {2sg intrg}   HU, {2du intrg}   HU, {2pl intrg}   HU, {3sg intrg}   HU, {3du intrg}   HU, {3pl intrg}  Form paradigm  hu, {1sg intrg}   hu, {1du intrg}   hu, {1C intrg}   hu, {2pl intrg}   hu, {2du intrg}   hu, {2C intrg}   hu, {3sg intrg}  Realized paradigm  hu-ve, {1sg intrg}   hu-’ve , {1du intrg}   hu-pe, {1C intrg}   ha-ve, {2pl intrg}   ha-’ve , {2du intrg}   ha-pe, {1C intrg}   hi-ve, {3sg intrg} 

169

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SLIDE 170

Interrogative paradigms of the Hua verb HU ‘do’

Content paradigm  HU, {1sg intrg}   HU, {1du intrg}   HU, {1pl intrg}   HU, {2sg intrg}   HU, {2du intrg}   HU, {2pl intrg}   HU, {3sg intrg}   HU, {3du intrg}   HU, {3pl intrg}  Form paradigm  hu, {1sg intrg}   hu, {1du intrg}   hu, {1C intrg}   hu, {2pl intrg}   hu, {2du intrg}   hu, {2C intrg}   hu, {3sg intrg}  Realized paradigm  hu-ve, {1sg intrg}   hu-’ve , {1du intrg}   hu-pe, {1C intrg}   ha-ve, {2pl intrg}   ha-’ve , {2du intrg}   ha-pe, {1C intrg}   hi-ve, {3sg intrg} 

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  • 8. Summary

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Mismatches between content and form

Mismatch Observable in the realization

  • f a single paradigm

Observable across paradigms different content, same form the Hua ‘C’ inflection same content, different form the Kashmiri ‘a’, ‘b’, ‘c’ and ‘d’ inflections

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Mismatches between content and form

Mismatch Observable in the realization

  • f a single paradigm

Observable across paradigms different content, same form syncretism (CLING) deponency (PARĀRE ‘prepare’ vs CŌNĀRĪ ‘try’) homomorphy (WEAR ‘have on’ vs WEAR ‘abrade’) polyfunctionality (Khanty xo:t-e:m ‘my house’ vs we:r-l-e:m ‘I make (it)’) same content, different form stem allomorphy (KNIFE)

  • verabundance

(dreamed vs dreamt) defectiveness (je fris vs *nous frisons) inflection-class allomorphy (mean-t vs lean-ed)

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Thank you!

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John left. t[PAST(t) & AT(t, ^[leave‘(John')])] ↑ Quantificational component leave  leave‘ left  λx[PAST(t) & AT(t, ^[leave‘(x)])]

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John left. t[PAST(t) & AT(t, ^[leave‘(John')])] ↑ Quantificational component leave  leave‘ left  λx[PAST(t) & AT(t, ^[leave‘(x)])]

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John left. t[PAST(t) & AT(t, ^[leave‘(John')])] ↑ Predicative component leave  leave‘ left  λx[PAST(t) & AT(t, ^[leave‘(x)])]

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SLIDE 179

John left. t[PAST(t) & AT(t, ^[leave‘(John')])] ↑ Situative component leave  leave‘ left  λx[PAST(t) & AT(t, ^[leave‘(x)])]

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John left. t[PAST(t) & AT(t, ^[leave‘(John')])] ↑ Situative component leave  leave‘ left  λx[PAST(t) & AT(t, ^[leave‘(x)])]