SLIDE 1 I. BASIC VERB-PLACEMENT PATTERNS IN SWISS GERMAN
Matrix clauses: Verb Second (1) a. De Beowulf isch en ganz en tapfere Maa. the Beowulf is a very a brave man "Beowulf is a very brave man." b. Vorem Grendel händ alli Angscht gha.
- f-the Grendel have all fear had
"Everybody was afraid of Grendel." Embedded clauses: Verb-final (2) a. De Grendel gseht [dass de Beowulf en Schtei macht]. the Grendel sees that the Beowulf a stone makes "Grendel sees that Beowulf is in a bad mood." b. De Grendel isch froh [wenn-er-en achli närfe cha]. the Grendel is glad when-he-him a bit irritate can "Grendel is happy when he can irritate him a bit." Extraposition to the right can mask the verb-final pattern: (3) a. ... [dass'-em en Kuss geh hät uf t Bagge] that-she-him a kiss given has on the cheek "that she kissed him on the cheek" b. ... [dass-er-si hät wöle hürote] that-he-her has want(ed) marry "that he wanted to marry her" (4) a. ... [dass si schlooft am Mittag] that she sleeps at lunchtime b. ....[dass si hät wöle schloofe] that she has want(ed) sleep "that she wanted to sleep"
SLIDE 2
Verb Second is possible in certain embedded clauses: (5) a. Es git Lüüt [die redet wunderbar Althochtütsch]. there are people who speak beautifully Old High German "There're people who speak Old High German beautifully" a'. Es git Lüüt [wo wunderbar Althochtütsch redet] there are people who beautifully Old High German speak b. Er mue müed gsi si [wil er hät ganz grossi Augering under de Auge gha]. he must tired been be because he has very big circles under the eyes had "He must have been very tired because he had shadows under his eyes." V2 is also possible in complements selected by bridge verbs (e.g. säge "say", glaube "believe", wüsse "know") and which are not introduced by a complementizer.
SLIDE 3 II. A LOOK AT AN ADULT SAMPLE (of CH)
This sample consists of 459 embedded clauses. 411 of these embedded clauses do not involve verb movement, the remaining 48 embedded clauses involve the V2 pattern (not discussed here). Verb placement is grammatical in all of these embedded clauses.
- 78 (or 19%) embedded clauses in which the finite verb does
not surface in clause-final position: due to Verb (Projection) Raising (V(P)R): ... [ wenn t ti aafosch lismei] ... [ subordinator subject (...) ti VVR XPi ] (… when/if you start to knit) due to Extraposition (Extra): ... [ wenn du ti zruggluegsch a dini Ziiti] ... [ subordinator subject (...) ti Vfin PPi ] (… when/if you look back to the time)
- 66 (or 16%) embedded clauses are neutral: The position of the
finite verb immediately after the subject coincides with the verb-final position: ... [öb Gfahr chunt] ... [subordinator subject Vfin] verb-end (VE) (… if danger is approaching)
- 267 (or 65%) embedded clauses are unambiguously verb-
final: ... [wem -mer umkeit] ... [wenn t etze prüelet hetsch] ... [subordinator XP XP (...) Vfin] verb-final (VF) (… when/if one suddenly falls over) (… if you had cried now)
SLIDE 4 Table 1: Adult verb placement (input for child)
V-position compl.
wil
wh Total V2 4 1 48 VE 22 1 1 10 32 66 VE+Extra 1 3 4 VE+V(P)R 7 4 7 4 22 VF 119 7 14 29 23 192 VF+Extra 6 4 10 VF+V(P)R 18 1 2 6 2 29 PPA 21 2 4 34 14 75 PPA+Extra 2 2 5 9 PPA+V(P)R 1 1 2 4 Total 197 16 27 97 79 459
VE = verb-end VF = verb-final PPA = participle auxiliary (e.g. gseit häsch 'said have') Extra = Extraposition (usually of a prepositional phrase) V(P)R = Verb-Projection-Raising
SLIDE 5 III. 'GERMAN' CLAUSE STRUCTURE
- Classical analysis (cf. Koster 1975 and Den Besten 1977)
(6)
- a. De Rochus ässt en Oschtereier.
"Rochus eats an (chocolate) Easter egg."
- b. Das Oschtereier ässt de Rochus.
"This (chocolate) Easter egg, Rochus eats." (7) a. CP
4
Spec C'
de Rochusi 4 C IP ässtj 4 Spec
I'
ti 4 VP
I
4 tj' Complement V
en Oschtereier tj b. CP
4 Spec C' das Oschtereieri4 C IP ässtj 4 Spec
I'
de Rochus 4 VP
I
4 tj' Complement V
ti tj
SLIDE 6 (8) I weiss [dass de Rochus en Oschtereier ässt]. "I know that Rochus eats an Easter egg." (9) CP
4 C IP dass 4 Spec I' de Rochus 4 VP I 4 ässtj Complement V
en Oschtereier tj
- Split CP hypothesis (Rizzi 1997, a.o.)
(10) ForceP
3 Spec Force'
3 Force
FinP
3 Spec Fin'
3
Wackernagel-position
Fin IP 3 Spec I'
3 canon. subject position I ...
- all functional projections are head-initial
SLIDE 7
- IV. SUMMARY OF DATA ON VERB PLACEMENT IN
EMBEDDED CLAUSES
GERMAN
- children do not make any verb-placement errors in embedded
clauses
- counter-evidence: one child (Benny) produces verb-placement
errors SWISS-GERMAN DIALECTS
- children sometimes produce verb-placement errors in
embedded clauses BE:
- ne child (Simone) produces errors in relative clauses
- ne child (J. ) = U-shaped development
ZH: children (even after age 5;0) still produce verb- placement errors in any type of embedded clause (infrequent) LU: Before age 5;0 both Moira and Eliza move the finite verb in any type of embedded clause and hardly ever use the verb-final pattern (BE = Bernese, ZH = Zurich German, LU = Lucernese)
SLIDE 8 Table 2: Verb movement in subordinate clauses: Moira (Eliza)
Position of finite verb V-movement no V- movement Clauses introduced by a sub. conj.
"because" 434 (28) 294 (21) 140 (7)
"when, if" 635 (68) 357 (46) 278 (22)
"that" 347 (41) 158 (32) 189 (9)
"whether, if" 61 (6) 26 (1) 35 (5)
"as" 22 (1) 10 (1) 12 (0)
"until" 26 (4) 11 (3) 15 (1)
"before" 2 (0) 1 (0) 1 (0)
"without" 2 (0) 1 (0) 1 (0)
TOTAL
1529(148) 858 (104) 671 (44) Omission of complementizer
"when, if" 5 (1) 5 (1)
"that" 16 (3) 16 (3)
TOTAL
21 (4) 21 (4) Relative clauses
182 (16) 118 (12) 64 (4)
127 (21) 73 (16) 54 (5)
132 (8) 87 (6) 45 (2)
93 (6) 71 (3) 22 (3)
TOTAL
534 (51) 349 (37) 185 (14) Wh-complements
"know 2sg" 244 (44) 243 (42) 1 (2)
108 (21) 83 (20) 25 (1)
- of non-perception verbs 236 (28)
178 (20) 58 (8)
9 (1) 6 (0) 3 (1)
11 (0) 3 (0) 8 (0)
TOTAL
608 (94) 513 (82) 95 (12) Interrogatives 13 (2) 13 (2) Conditionals 11 (1) 11 (1)
TOTAL
24 (3) 24 (3) Bridge verbs 150 (21) 150 (21) Emotive-factive verbs 10 (1) 10 (1)
34 (0) 34 (0)
TOTAL
194 (22) 194 (22)
TOTAL
2910(322) 1959 (252) 951 (70)
SLIDE 9 Verb-placement patterns used by the two Lucernese children
Clauses introduced by a complementizer: I.
complementizer pronominal SU Vfin ...
complementizer Vfin SU ... (11) % wenn ich mach eso (M:4;08) when I make like this "when I do this" (12) a. % dass machsch du das (E:4;10) that make you this "that you do this"
- b. % dass werdet mini Ohre au bruu
(M:4;03) that turn my ears also brown "that my ears turn brown too" Relative clauses: II.
wo Vfin …
wo pronominal SU Vfin … (rare) Wh-complements: III.
- a. (%) Wh-constituent Vfin ...
- b. %
Wh-constituent pronominal SU Vfin… (rare)
SLIDE 10 (13) ForceP 3 Spec Force' 3 Force FinP öb 3 Spec Fin'
sik 3 Wackernagel-position Fin IP chunti 3 Spec I'
tk ..... subject position achli ufe ti
(if she comes upstairs for a while)
Before age 4;11 the subject between the complementizer and the finite verb is always an unstressed subject pronoun.
(14) ForceP 3 Spec Force' 3 Force FinP öb 3 Spec Fin'
3 Wackernagel-position Fin IP chunti 3 Spec I'
si ..... subject position achli ufe ti
(if she comes upstairs for a while)
There are two contexts in the child grammar in which unstressed subject pronouns can occur, either in [Spec,IP] –resulting in Complementizer Vfin pron. SU …–or in [Spec,FinP]–resulting in Complementizer pron. SU Vfin ….
SLIDE 11 (15) ForceP 3 Spec Force' 3 Force FinP öb 3 Spec Fin'
3 Wackernagel-position Fin IP chunti 3 Spec I'
t Eliza ..... subject position achli ufe ti
(if Eliza comes upstairs for a while)
Non-pronominal SU move into [Spec,IP]. They cannot move into [Spec,FinP].
SLIDE 12
1A: Clauses introduced by a complementizer* (Moira): V-movement vs. no V-movement (all)
20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160 180 3;11 4;1 4;3 4;5 4;7 4;9 4;11 5;1 5;3 5;5 5;7 5;9 5;11 6;1 no V-movement V-movement
No V-movement 453 V-movement 539
TOTAL
992
* dass "that", öb "whether, if", wenn "when, if"
Note that in Figures 1A and 1B, and in Figures 1A' and 1B', as well as in the statistical analysis only examples which contain a subject are taken into account. Swiss German allows pro-drop in 2nd person sg. These examples are not included here, but are included in the column 'no V-movement' in Table 2.
SLIDE 13
1B: Clauses introduced by a complementizer* (Moira): V-movement, ambiguous, no V-movement (all)
20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160 180 3;11 4;1 4;3 4;5 4;7 4;9 4;11 5;1 5;3 5;5 5;7 5;9 5;11 6;1 no V-movement ambiguous V-movement
No V-movement 453 Ambiguous 241 V-movement 539
TOTAL
1233
* dass "that", öb "whether, if", wenn "when, if"
SLIDE 14
1A': Clauses introduced by a complementizer* (Eliza) V-movement vs. no V-movement (all)
20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160 180 3;11 4;1 4;3 4;5 4;7 4;9 4;11 5;1 5;3 5;5 5;7 5;9 5;11 6;1 no V-movement V-movement
No V-movement 34 V-movement 73
TOTAL
107
* dass "that", öb "whether, if", wenn "when, if"
SLIDE 15
1B': Clauses introduced by a complementizer* (Eliza) V-movement, ambiguous, no V-movement (all)
20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160 180 3;11 4;1 4;3 4;5 4;7 4;9 4;11 5;1 5;3 5;5 5;7 5;9 5;11 6;1 no V-movement ambiguous V-movement
No V-movement 34 Ambiguous 40 V-movement 73
TOTAL
147
* dass "that", öb "whether, if", wenn "when, if"
SLIDE 16
Children's non-target-consistent vs. ambiguous examples non-target-consistent (%) (16) % wenn die fahret so schnell (E:5;02) when these drive so fast (17) a.% dass das isch de Uhu (E:5;01) that this is the owl b.% dass er isch es eis (M:4;08) that he is a one (18) a.% öb's hät am Salot Lüüs … (M:4;02) if there has on-the salad greenfly b.% öb ich find nomel öppis (E:4;10) if I find again something ambiguous (19) wenn ich mues lache (M:5;04) when I must laugh (20) dass-mer cha t'Röschti ufsteche … (M:4;11) that-one can the rösti up-pick (21) öb er chämt dete zMittag ässe (M:4;06) if he could there to-lunch eat (22) wenn ich verlüre (M:4;09) when I lose