Durban, South Africa a brief note: The reason is this. As possible - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

Durban, South Africa

a brief note: It is difficult, at this specific moment in time, to complete a case study of Abahlali baseMjondolo without placing a significant amount of attention and time on the current situation of AbM. In a frightening escalation on September 30th with the killing of a 17- year old activist during a protest in Cato Crest, AbM is, potentially at this very moment, actively resisting illegal evictions from land that has been occupied since March 2013 on Cato Crest that they have named “Marikana” in solidarity with miner’s strike of last year that was brutally put down. This is just the latest killing in 8 months of active resistance after being evicted and displaced from a nearby housing development. On March 13, 2013 community leader Thembinkosi Qumbelo was assassinated along with a second man, “unnamed in media reports”. On June 25, 2013 activist Nkululeko Gwala was assassinated. Activists Nkosinathi Mngomezulu has been in the hospital. Again on September 30, Nqobile Nzuza was shot in the back by police forces and is dead. Her companion Luleka Makhwenkwana is still in the hospital. On October 7th, 2013, according to AbM’s facebook page, a young man, Nyathi was shot in the chest by Fidentia Security in the municipal court. From the best that we can tell he was shot with a rubber bullet since the photograph shows a small wound. From sources available, he was subsequently beaten by police. Elected Secretary General Bandile Mdlalose was jailed and held without bail on the charge of public violence, a charge that has been used frequently against peaceful protesters, until October 7th, when she was release on the condition that she not return to Cato Crest. The question now becomes: Why are we telling you all of this? The reason is this. As possible agents of non-governmental action, we, meaning our collective bodies together in our both virtual and non-virtual class, are in a position to engage with Abahlali baseMjondolo in a way where they do not just stand in as representatives of a housing rights group. And it is at this point where we have decided to make a choice to devote our energy to relaying the unfolding actions that are taking place in Durban, South Africa. We have also chosen in this specific case to allow AbM to speak in its

• wn words whenever possible. As an active protest movement, and

as a movement whose legitimacy is constantly being questions by governing powers, to “study”AbM would remove its agency in

• rder to talk about non-governmentality and subsequently

relegate urgency to history, whereas to provide a platform with requisite clarification and critique might encompass practicing non-governmentality. We also feel that it is important to allow the growing group of voices, which has come to include widely respected and in some cases, widely visible academics and activities, that surround AbM to speak for themselves. We do this not out of laziness,

• r lack of adequate information, but rather due to the fact that they

do not abstract of distance OUR conversation from the violence and protest that is happening right now. This method that we are trying to employ, begs us to question

• ur role and response to the events in Durban. It allows us to define
• ur Terms of Engagement in a very concrete way. Thus, we ask you to

keep these few questions in mind. What is the capacity, and what are the possibilities of trans- continental solidarity? How would it be possible to show solidarity with AbM? Is this an effective tactic? As a continuation of the conversation around non-violent, not non-violent, and violent tacttics, how do we position the active resistance of AbM and their tactics of road barricades that consists of tires on fire? is this an effective tactic? What is the role of active resistance and direct action in conjunction with resistance through institutional means? ie: success at the level of the Supreme Court in overturning the Slum Act, successful lawsuits against police forces.

Abahlali baseMjondolo began in Durban in October

• 2005. It is the largest organisation of the militant poor in post-

apartheid South Africa. AbM represents 50 settlements comprising upwards of 10,000 people in Durban, plus settlements in Pietermarzinburg and Cape Town. In the eThekwini municipality, which includes the city

• f Durban, almost half of the African population – and one third
• f the general population – live in shacks. The eThekwini

authorities have systematically cracked down on Abahlali, both by introducing the Slums Act, which Abahlali overturned in court and by denying Abahlali the right to demonstrate. Abahlali has also come under attack with death threats and phsysical attacks particularly on the leadership and arrests of its members. Along side the normal menagerie of effective community organization activities such as gardening, craft collectives, supports groups from residents living with AIDS, music and sports organizations, AbM also makes use of both non-violent protest and direct-action/ active resistance tactics in conjunctions with institutional and legal appeals. AbM has elicted much critical attention for its “politics

• f the lived” and its efficacy and tactics.

‘No Land, No House, No Vote’

According to War on Want.com, the aims of AbM are

• To oppose demolitions and evictions, which have left thousands of shack

dwellers homeless

• To secure shack dwellers access to essential services such as clean

water, electricity, sanitation, health care and a decent education

• To develop the job skills of shack dwellers, particularly women and youth
• To campaign and lobby at the national level for the legal rights and

protection of shack dwellers Their successes have been:

• In 2009, Abahlali successfully challenged and overturned in the

Constitutional Court the draconian KwaZulu-Natal Slums Act of 2007, which gave city officials the authority to evict shack dwellers

• Abahlali has prevented countless evictions as well as the demolitions
• f many shacks through legal interventions, protest marches and

grassroots campaigning

• The organisation has assisted in the rebuilding of homes illegally

destroyed by municipal authorities, and has helped those left homeless rebuild their lives

• To support shack dwellers without adequate financial means,

Abahlali has successfully petitioned for the abolition of rent in many settlements

• With its strong focus on developing the skills of its thousands of

members, Abahlali has set up numerous training programmes, educational courses and activity groups

“Abahlali baseMjondolo, or AbM, is a shack- dwellers' movement in South Africa. They are also known as the red shirts. The movement grew out

• f a road blockade organized from the Kennedy

Road shack settlement in the city of Durban in March 2005 and now also operates in the cities of Pietermaritzburg and in Cape Town as well as a number of smaller towns in KwaZulu-Natal. It is the largest shack dweller's organization in South Africa and campaigns to improve the living conditions of poor people and to democratize society from below. The movement refuses party politics and boycotts elections. It's key demand is that the social value of urban land should take priority over its commercial value and it campaigns for the public expropriation of large privately owned landholdings. The key organising strategy is to try "to recreate Commons" from below by trying to create a series of linked communes. According to The Times, the movement "has shaken the political landscape of South Africa." According to Professor Peter Vale, Abahlali baseMjondolo is "along with the Treatment Action Campaign the most effective grouping in South African civil society." However the movement has faced considerable repression”

http://www.indybay.org/newsitems/2010/03/28/18643150.php?show_comments=1

Abahlali baseMjondolo Occupy Downtown Durban to Protest Jacob ZUma

by Abahlali baseMjondolo Sunday Mar 28th, 2010 1:07 PM

'As much as all debates are good, fighting only by talking does not take us much further. Sometimes we need to strengthen

• ur muscles for an action debate, that is a living debate that

does not only end on theories.'

• S'bu Zikode, 24 September 2007; http://www.abahlali.
• rg/node/237

Refusal to participate in elections, using the motto “No Land! No House! No Vote!” has positioned AbM in an adversarial relationship with the African National Committee, which is very protective of its political power. In this way AbM is no longer just a vocal opposition, but an organized coalition with political clout if it chooses to use it. The local city government has gone as far as to ban AbM’s right to march as well as used violent police action to prevent media appearances. ” The motivations behind the group's actions are rooted in the particular politics of South Africa. The shack-dwellers voted

• verwhelmingly for the ANC and its promise of providing

adequate housing for the vast majority of black South Africans living in extreme poverty. Despite taking part in a myriad of public participation processes, they felt that they were still sold-

• ut to the developers and were instead arrested for protesting.”

http://www.spatialagency.net/database/abahlali.basemjondolo According to the Daily News, “The ANC knows it will not have it easy capturing the middle-class vote in next year’s election and, therefore, strengthening grassroots support in the poorest communities becomes important, especially if it is to meet its target of getting a 70 percent share of the vote in KZN. Not only has the growing support for Abahlali weakened the ANC in these informal settlements, with many of the members

• f the movement having been drawn from the ANC, but it has

also meant that a fertile ground is created for other

• rganisations as well.”

”http://www.iol.co.za/news/cato-crest-s-deadly-housing-war- 1.1588256

structure and political philosophy politics

AbM is “neurotically democratic, impressively diverse, and steadfastly self-critical”, according to Sarah Copper-Knock in her article Symbols of Hope Silenced written for the Daily News in 2009. Though it does not claim the label, AbM is oft considered a form of anarchist or autonomous practice, though less for its theoretical foundation and more for its community practices of decentralization, opposition to imposed hierarchy, direct democracy, and recognition of the connection between means and ends. AbM share an affinity, though one that it not directly acknowledged, with the Paris Communes and Barricades. The language of the commune and Commons are used in a very upfront way in AbM’s descriptions of through its social media and extensive web presence, which begs the question if the tactic of the road barricade is a coincidence or a trans-historical reference to what S’bu Zikode says the movement aspires to, a “living communism.”. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abahlali_baseMjondolo

The “Third Force” and the Right to Resist

The claiming of the “Third Force” language by AbM, is in response to government claims that housing unrest and protest was sparked and organized by an anti-ANC group

• riginating during apartheid as white security forces who

fomented violence in KwaZulu-Natal against the ANC. This supposed “Third Force” has continued to be blamed for the high number of protest movement in South Africa. S’bu Zikode’s deconstruction of the term to mean the “anger of the poor”, serves to stake a claim to the agency of protest and active dissent, and reject the “Third Force” distinction as a method of delegitimization and criminalization. Abhlali suggests that there are driving forces that occur within the community that are vital toward the movement of a better

• life. The first force comes from the struggle with apartheid. The

second, comes from the people who betrayed the community. And today there is a new force on the rise, the force in which Abhlali is now fighting. This third force comes from the suffering of the poor. This is why it is the time “for the poor to show themselves that we can be poor in life but not in mind.” This is not achieved by playing a “political game,” but is purely a social movement aimed at truly responding to the political issues through community empowerment and knowledge. “It is clear that there is no money for the

• poor. The money is for the rich. We have come

to the decision of saying ‘enough is enough.’ We all agree that something must be done.“

• S’bu Zikode, chairperson of the Abhlali

baseMjondolo movement

“We are driven by the Third Force, the suffering of the

• poor. Our betrayers are the Second Force. The First

Force was our struggle against apartheid. The Third Force will stop when the Fourth Force comes. The Fourth Force is land, housing, water, electricity, health care, education and work. We are only asking what is basic – not what is luxurious. This is the struggle of the poor. The time has come for the poor to show themselves that we can be poor in life but not in mind.”

• S’bu Zikode, elected Chairperson of the Abahlali baseMjondolo

movement

yesterday:

Cato Crest’s deadly housing war

October 7 2013 at 02:47pm By Bheki Mbanjwa Comment on this story

INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPERS

Residents of Cato Crest informal settlement were left stranded after their shacks were demolished by the eThekwini Municipality. This is what sparked the latest housing protest in the area.

It is tempting to dismiss the unrest in the area as one of many service delivery protests, but there is more to this discontent than meets the eye as Bheki Mbanjwa found out. http://www.iol.co.za/news/cato-crest-s- deadly-housing-war-1.1588256 “For the past 8 months, since shackdwellers were evicted from a housing development in the area of Cato Crest in Durban, they have been embroiled in a recurring struggle for a place to call home. Their occupation of vacant municipal land which they named “Marikana” (after the miners strike and subsequent massacre by police) merely to make sure they have a roof over their heads, has earned them the full violent response of the state: home demolitions, evictions, rubber bullets, tear gas and multiple murders.”

“Members of Abahlali have asserted the existence of a hit list. Whether that is true remains to be seen, but more telling was the last interview Gwala had with a Daily News journalist just hours before his death. Gwala told this newspaper how he feared for his life and that he had been warned to leave the place as there were people

• ut to kill him. A few hours later Gwala lay dead after being

shot 12 times by unknown assailants. Hours earlier, regional ANC bosses had attended a community meeting where they allegedly made statements about Gwala not being wanted in the area.”

8 Barricades: October 7

“This morning eight branches organised road blockades. Areas affected included Clare Estate, Mayville (Cato Crest), uMlazi, iSipingo, Siyanda & Shallcross. So far there have been four arrests (Clare Estate, Shallcross, Siyanda & uMlazi). The demands made by these road blockades are the same as the road blockades last week: 1) The City must respond to the memoranda delivered to them at the huge march on the City Hall on 16 September 2) Bandile Mdlalose must be released from Westville Prison. We are now also demanding the release of the four uMlazi comrades (Themba Msomi, Thembeka Sondaba & Fikiswa Mgoduka) arrested on Friday and detained in the holding cells over the weekend as well as the comrades arrested this morning. The road blockades were started the week before last, continued through last week and they will continue until the City starts to negotiate with us instead of trying to repress us with violence and all political prisoners are released. Bandile Mdlalose will appear in the Durban Magistrate's Court this morning. The three comrades arrested in uMlazi will also appear in court this morning.” (October 7, 2013)

https://www.facebook.com/media/set/?set=a. 642827512414171.1073741831.1646945935 60801&type=1 1 2 3 4 5 6

• 1. Clare Estate
• 2. Cato Crest
• 3. Siyanda
• 4. Shallcross
• 5. Umlazi
• 6. Isipingo

*locations in red have had arrests occur since the incident

solidarity

The possibilities, capacity, and power of solidarity as a universal affiliation between disparate and geographically distanced groups has become central to a public and potentially global response to AbM’s current housing battle, escalating on September 30th with the killing of a 17-year old AbM activist. Open letters of support and solidarity have been published in South African newspapers by none other than Noam Chomsky and Slavoj Zizek, who are two among many people who have signed their names to public documents condemning the violent police repression of the last week. It is not productive to question the bonds of affinity that are produced with common cause. Yet the questioning the stakes

• f trans-continental solidarity should very much be on the
• table. The stakes of solidarity represented through collective

action through collective presence are quite clear: arrest, bodily harm, destruction of property, death. These are very real dangers and consequences that AbM and those that stand in bodily solidarity with them are facing in their active resistance. The following three letters of support and solidarity, two international, one from the Anglican Church in South Africa,

• ptimistically represent global and credentialled legitimacy as

well as elicit the opportunity to take on resistance at a global level and to extend support to those who need it. Yet, a pessimistic reading would point out that the stakes for said academic solidarity are used more to bolster the credentials

• f the ranks of “institutional resistors”. Whichever reading one

might choose still plays second fiddle to the question of the efficacy of writing and lending ones name to an open statement of protest.

Statement in Defense of the Abahlali BaseMjondolo members Submitted by Abahlali

• n Sun, 2013-10-06 07:03

cato crest open letters To: James Nxumalo, Mayor, eThekwini Municipality, Durban, South Africa Senzo Mchunu, Premier, KwaZulu-Natal Jacob Zuma, President, Republic of South Africa Since 2005, the ABAHLALI BASEMJONDOLO (Shack Dwellers) movement has mobilized to fulfill the needs of a large number of inhabitants in the city of Durban who live without access to land, housing, food, education and basic services such as clean water, sanitation, electricity and health care. In response to this mobilization, the South African Police Service, the Ethekwini Municipality and the ruling political party (ANC) have attempted to criminalize the actions of this movement. In particular, we have observed: The continued intimidation, beatings and unlawful detention of activists. The torture of individuals held in detention. The demolition and bulldozing of thousands of homes. The use of the press to slander the movement and its various leaders. All these forms of attacks have reached a climax from June 2013 until the present at Cato Crest, one of Durban’s most active settlements: With the assassination of Nkululeko Gwala, the leader of the Cato Crest settlement on the night of June 26, 2013. With the attempted assassination on September 21st, of Mngomezulu, one of the ABAHLALI movement’s leaders and two of his comrades. With the demolitions of 100 homes despite five Durban High Court injunctions against them. With the assassination of Nqobile Nzuza a 17 year old girl, a grade 9 learner at Bonella High School and an Abahlali baseMjondolo supporter on the morning of September 30, 2013. To this day we have received no word or results about any investigation or attempt to find the assassins of our gifted comrade and community leader Nkululeko Gwala. Nor has any explanation been given as to why the court injunctions have not been respected. This brutal behavior is a denial of all the ideals of the struggles against Apartheid – a struggle that inspired so many of us everywhere. We, brothers and sisters all over the world, who identify with the legacy of this great struggle, want to express our protest against these injustices and solidarity with the ABAHLALI movement, which is a continuation of the struggle for liberation, for land, for equality and justice. We remember the priorities of the ANC before the liberation. Land redistribution was a central issue, given that 87% of land was in the hands of the white minority. After 20 years, less than 7% of that land has been returned to the African communities, mostly given to a Black elite, which serves the interests of neoliberal policies and organizations. We are stating here that we hold all political parties in the South African government accountable for these abominable actions. To those in government, and most importantly to those who fought against apartheid, we ask that you act today to put an immediate end to these abuses. And we demand that the rightful aspirations of the ABAHLALI movement and all South Africans to a home, a life with dignity, and an end to the concentrated land ownership of the pre-apartheid era be fulfilled.

Statement of Solidarity from Bishop Rubin Phillip and other church leaders in KwaZulu-Natal Destroying our lives – in Cato Crest Today, we found ourselves where we have been too often before – at the Durban court awaiting a decision on bail for another shack dweller charged with public violence. Again – bail denied; on what grounds it is not clear. Why another bail hearing? What has led to us as clergy being here again this day? Over the past few months and weeks we have heard:

• of illegal evictions and demolition of homes in Cato Crest by the Land Invasion Unit;
• of alleged fraudulent selling and allocation of houses in Cato Crest by local political leadership;
• of several court interdicts secured by Abahlali protecting their homes, and the same interdicts despised and ignored by city officials and political leadership;
• of intimidation by local ANC leadership and members in Cato Crest, of the legal teams that were attempting to give effect to the court's orders of restraining the city from

demolishing people’s houses, and restraining them from further evictions, and instructing the city to rebuild people’s houses that were demolished;

• of the shooting by the Land Invasion Unit and the SAPS of protesters asserting their rights – shot with rubber bullets and live ammunition. We visited today Nkosinathi

Mngomezulu and Luleka Makhwenkwana who are still in hospital recovering from their wounds. As those who follow Jesus, we will continue to be present with those who are denied access to land, denied houses for their families, denied a place in our society. We will be with:

• the family of Nqobile Nzuza, as they mourn the shooting of their 17 year old daughter;
• the three residents of Cato Crest that must appear in Durban court on Thursday 3 October to face charges of public violence;
• Bandile Mdlalose, the General Secretary of Abahlali as she remains in Westville prison awaiting her bail hearing on Monday 7 October;
• the residents of Cato Crest as they secure their place in our city.

We are outraged by:

• the failure of our state to provide the most basic of necessities to those that live in our city. Their actions undermine the dignity we hold on to.
• the contempt with which the city officials and political leadership disrespect and disobey the court injunctions. They have placed our society in great peril with their reckless

and arrogant behaviour.

• the failure of the police to fulfil their mandate of protecting members of our society, but instead shoot, kill protesters and act outside of the law themselves. Their behaviour is

destroying the fabric of our society.

• the short-sightedness and dishonesty of the leadership of our city, making promises of housing, knowing that these promises cannot be kept. This smacks of electioneering and

sacrificing the lives of people for narrow, selfish political ends. As we stated at the court this morning, we commit ourselves to:

• pray – for those suffering this inhumanity; for life to be sustained against the forces of death; for justice to flow down like water;
• protest – against the ongoing abuse of power; against the stripping of people's dignity; against the greed and dishonesty within our society;
• push – for an end to this deadly violence; for the inclusion of all in our city, with dignity and equity.

We urge others to act and stand with us as we resolve to build a society in which all belong and have a place. Statement from the KwaZulu Natal Church Leaders' Group, under the Chairpersonship of Bishop Rubin Phillip, Bishop of Natal and Dean of the Anglican Church of Southern Africa. Endorsed by: Church Land Programme and Diakonia Council of Churches Issued 4 October 2013

Letter from Chomsky, Zizek, et al to Jacob Zuma, President, Republic of South Africa (An open letter published in the Mail & Guardian, Johannesburg, in protest at the repression of Abahlali baseMjondolo in Durban) Mail & Guardian (Johannesburg), October 4, 2013 To: James Nxumalo, Mayor, eThekwini Municipality, Durban, South Africa Senzo Mchunu, Premier, KwaZulu-Natal Jacob Zuma, President, Republic of South Africa We are writing to you to express our grave concern at events unfolding in the Cato Crest shack settlement in Durban. After an illegal eviction in Cato Crest by the eThekwini Municipality in March this year, shackdwellers occupied an adjacent piece of land. They named the settlement "Marikana". Since then, two activists have been assassinated -- Thembinkosi Qumbelo and Nkululeko

• Gwala. A third, Nkosinathi Mngomezulu, is in critical condition after being shot by the Land

Invasions Unit. A number of activists have been seriously beaten by the police. Other activists, including Bandile Mdlalose and S'bu Zikode of the shack dweller movement Abahlali baseMjondolo who have been supporting the residents, have been threatened with death... http://chomsky.info/letters/20131004.htmvia https://www.facebook.com/abahlalibasemjondolo

Signed, Noam Chomsky, Professor, Massachusetts Institute of Technology Slavoj Zizek, Senior researcher at the Institute of Sociology, University of Ljubljana Judith Butler, Professor, Departments of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature, University of California, Berkeley Lewis Gordon, University of Connecticut and Mandela Visiting Professor (2014-2016), Rhodes University

• V. Y. Mudimbe, Professor, Literature, Duke University, Durham, North Carolina

John Holloway, Benemerita Universidad Autonoma de Puebla, Puebla, Mexico William I. Robinson, Professor of Sociology and Global and International Studies, University of California at Santa Barbara Staughton Lynd, Independent Scholar, Youngstown, Ohio Gill Hart, Professor of Geography and Co-Chair of Development Studies University of California, Berkeley; Honorary Professor UKZN David Szanton, Emeritus, Executive Director of International and Area Studies, University of California, Berkeley Wendy Brown, Professor of Political Science, University of California, Berkeley Silvia Federici, Emerita Professor, Hofstra, University, Hempstead, New York George Caffentzis, Emeritus Professor, University of Southern Maine, Portland, Maine Jane Gordon, University of Connecticut and President-Elect of the Caribbean Philosophical Association Faranak Miraftab, Professor and Director of PhD program, Dept of Urban and Regional Planning, University of Illinois, Urbana Champaign Ananya Roy, Professor, City & Regional Planning, University of California, Berkeley Andrej Grubacic, Associate Professor and Department Chair, Anthropology and Social Change, California Institute of Integral Studies Peter Linebaugh, Professor, History Department, University of Toledo Nigel Gibson, Emerson College, Boston Raj Patel, Center for African Studies, University of California, Berkeley

terms of engagement

dignity shack-dweller (as an alternative to slum-dweller, squatter, informal settlement, etc) solidarity (universal) commons/commune politics of the poor anarchism

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