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Bayesian Typology Gerhard Jger Tbingen University RAILS, Universitt des Saarlandes October 24, 2019 Major word orders 1 / 45 Statistics of major word order distribution data: WALS intersected with ASJP 1,055 languages, 201


  1. Bayesian Typology Gerhard Jäger Tübingen University RAILS, Universität des Saarlandes October 24, 2019

  2. Major word orders 1 / 45

  3. Statistics of major word order distribution • data: WALS intersected with ASJP • 1,055 languages, 201 lineages, 71 families with at least 3 languages Raw numbers Weighted by lineages SOV SVO VSO VOS OVS OSV SOV SVO VSO VOS OVS OSV 497 447 78 20 10 3 135.1 46.9 10.5 4.0 3.7 0.8 47.1% 42.4% 7.4% 1.9% 0.9% 0.3% 67.2% 23.3% 5.2% 2.0% 1.8% 0.4% by language by family 0 1000 0 200 pattern 1 pattern 1 SOV SOV SVO SVO 250 50 VSO VSO VOS VOS 750 OVS 150 OVS OSV OSV 500 100 frequency frequency 2 / 45

  4. Previous approaches • Gell-Mann and Ruhlen (2011): • Proto-world was SOV • general pathway: SOV → SVO ↔ VSO/VOS • minor pathway: SOV → OVS/OSV • exceptions due to diffusion • Ferrer-i-Cancho (2015): SOV SVO OSV VSO OVS VOS • permutation circle • transition probability inversely related to path length 3 / 45

  5. Phylogenetic non-independence • languages are phylogenetically structured • if two closely related languages display the same pattern, these are not two independent data points ⇒ we need to control for phylogenetic dependencies 4 / 45

  6. Phylogenetic non-independence 5 / 45

  7. Typological distributions 6 / 45

  8. Typological distributions • common practice since Greenberg (1963): • collect a sample of languages • classify them according to some typological feature ⇒ skewed distribution indicates something interesting going on • Problem: languages are not independent samples • skewed distribution may reflect • skewed diversification rate across families • properties of an ancestral bottleneck • balanced sampling mitigates the first, but not the second problem 7 / 45

  9. Typological distributions Maslova (2000): “If the A-distribution for a given typology can- not be assumed to be stationary, a distributional universal cannot be discovered on the basis of purely synchronic statistical data.” “In this case, the only way to discover a dis- tributional universal is to estimate transition probabilities and as it were to ‘predict’ the sta- tionary distribution on the basis of the equations in (1).” 8 / 45

  10. The phylogenetic comparative method 9 / 45

  11. Modeling language change Markov process cf. Dunn et al. (2011); Levinson and Gray (2012), inter alia 10 / 45

  12. Modeling language change Markov process Phylogeny cf. Dunn et al. (2011); Levinson and Gray (2012), inter alia 10 / 45

  13. Modeling language change Markov process Phylogeny cf. Dunn et al. (2011); Levinson and Gray (2012), inter alia 10 / 45

  14. Modeling language change Markov process Phylogeny cf. Dunn et al. (2011); Levinson and Gray (2012), inter alia 10 / 45

  15. Estimating rates of change • if phylogeny and states of extant languages are known... 11 / 45

  16. Estimating rates of change • if phylogeny and states of extant languages are known... • ... transition rates and ancestral states can be estimated based on Markov model 11 / 45

  17. Inferring trees across many families 12 / 45

  18. From words to trees Swadesh lists training pair-Hidden Markov Model sound similarities applying pair-Hidden Markov Model word alignments classification/ clustering cognate classes feature extraction character matrix Bayesian phylogenetic inference phylogenetic tree 13 / 45

  19. From words to trees Swadesh lists training pair-Hidden Markov Model sound similarities applying pair-Hidden Markov Model word alignments classification/ clustering cognate classes feature extraction character matrix Bayesian phylogenetic inference phylogenetic tree 13 / 45

  20. From words to trees Swadesh lists training pair-Hidden Markov Model sound similarities applying pair-Hidden Markov Model word alignments classification/ clustering cognate classes feature extraction character matrix Bayesian phylogenetic inference phylogenetic tree 13 / 45

  21. From words to trees Swadesh lists training pair-Hidden Markov Model sound similarities applying pair-Hidden Markov Model word alignments classification/ clustering cognate classes feature extraction character matrix Bayesian phylogenetic inference phylogenetic tree 13 / 45

  22. From words to trees Swadesh lists training pair-Hidden Markov Model sound similarities applying pair-Hidden Markov Model word alignments classification/ clustering cognate classes feature extraction character matrix Bayesian phylogenetic inference phylogenetic tree 13 / 45

  23. From words to trees Swadesh lists training pair-Hidden Markov Model sound similarities applying pair-Hidden Markov Model word alignments classification/ clustering cognate classes feature extraction character matrix Bayesian phylogenetic inference phylogenetic tree 13 / 45

  24. From words to trees n a Khoisan r a h n a a S d i - i o v l a Altaic N i r D i c n l a a Niger-Congo e Swadesh lists U r p o u r E - o d n training I pair-Hidden Markov Model Afro-Asiatic sound n NW Eurasia a similarities r a h a a applying s c b i r u f pair-Hidden Markov Model S A a n Australia/Papua r a l i u s t A orricelli T Sepik word alignments Trans-NewGuinea i c e l l i P T o r r a Trans-NewGuinea p u Trans-NewGuinea classification/ a a i Trans-NewGuinea s A clustering E c h a n C h i b S Otomanguean cognate classes a n w a k A r a n A n o a P a m n u A i e e - G c r o r M a Cariban i c ucanoan a feature extraction n T p i a u T Penutian Austronesian Algic character matrix n e e D n N a e a u g n m a o Uto-Aztecan O t Bayesian n a k o Mayan H phylogenetic n a n i Salish inference a phylogenetic t n s a e u Hmong-Mien h g h Sino-Tibetan T a c ai-Kadai tree D e Timor-Alor-Pantar Austro-Asiatic u h - Q k a N 13 / 45

  25. Estimating word-order transition patterns 14 / 45

  26. Workflow (data from all 77 families with ≥ 3 languages in data base; 924 languages in total) • estimate posterior tree distributions with MrBayes for each family, using Glottolog as constraint tree • estimate transition rates • estimate stationary distribution of major word order categories • apply stochastic character mapping (SIMMAP; Bollback 2006) • estimate expected number of mutations for each transition type 15 / 45

  27. Estimating posterior tree distributions • using characters extracted from ASJP data (Jäger 2018) • Glottolog as constraint tree • Γ -distributed rates • ascertainment bias correction • relaxed molecular clock (IGR) • uniform tree prior • stop rule: 0 . 01, samplefreq=1000 • if convergence later than after 1,000,000 steps, sample 1,000 trees from posterior 16 / 45

  28. Phylogenetic tree sample 17 / 45

  29. Estimating transition rates expected strength of flow • totally unrestricted model, all 30 transition rates are estimed independently SOV • implementation using RevBayes (Höhna et al., 2016) SVO OSV VSO OVS VOS

  30. Reconstruction history with SIMMAP • estimated frequency of mutations within the 77 families under consideration (posterior mean and 95 % HPD, 100 simulations SOV SVO VSO VOS OVS OSV − 51 . 5 [ 19 ; 82 ] 10 . 2 [ 1 ; 19 ] 7 . 5 [ 0 ; 29 ] 5 . 8 [ 0 ; 14 ] 4 . 2 [ 0 ; 13 ] SOV 83 . 8 [ 31 ; 131 ] − 22 . 3 [ 2 ; 42 ] 10 . 4 [ 0 ; 30 ] 2 . 8 [ 0 ; 8 ] 3 . 9 [ 0 ; 12 ] SVO VSO 1 . 4 [ 0 ; 5 ] 8 . 3 [ 0 ; 24 ] − 29 . 0 [ 5 ; 45 ] 3 . 0 [ 0 ; 9 ] 1 . 1 [ 0 ; 5 ] VOS 4 . 3 [ 0 ; 15 ] 141 . 9 [ 115 ; 188 ] 30 . 9 [ 17 ; 47 ] − 2 . 1 [ 0 ; 9 ] 1 . 0 [ 0 ; 3 ] OVS 11 . 1 [ 0 ; 28 ] 0 . 8 [ 0 ; 4 ] 1 . 8 [ 0 ; 8 ] 0 . 4 [ 0 ; 3 ] − 0 . 8 [ 0 ; 5 ] OSV 4 . 2 [ 0 ; 15 ] 0 . 4 [ 0 ; 3 ] 1 . 9 [ 0 ; 11 ] 1 . 1 [ 0 ; 7 ] 1 . 1 [ 0 ; 9 ] − 19 / 45

  31. Posterior distributions Empirical vs. estimated distribution 20 / 45

  32. Posterior distributions Waiting times expected waiting time in 1,000 years 21 / 45

  33. Differential case marking 22 / 45

  34. Universal syntactic-semantic primitives • three universal core roles S: intransitive subject A: transitive subject O: transitive object 23 / 45

  35. Alignment systems Accusative Latin system Puer puellam vidit. S boy.NOM girl.ACC saw 'The boy saw the girl.' A Puer venit. O boy.NOM came 'The boy came.' accusative nominative 24 / 45

  36. Alignment systems Ergative Dyirbal system ŋ uma yabu- ŋ gu bura-n. S father mother.ERG see-NONFUT 'The mother saw the father.' O A ŋ uma banaga-nu. boy.NOM came 'The boy came.' nominative (absolutive) ergative 25 / 45

  37. Alignment systems Neutral Mandarin system rén lái le. S person come CRS 'The person has come.' O A zh ā ngs ā n mà l ĭ sì le ma. Zhangsan scold Lisi CRS Q 'Did Zhangsan scold Lisi?' nominative 26 / 45

  38. Differential case marking • many languages have mixed systems • e.g., some NPs have accusative and some have neutral paradigm, such as Hebrew (1) Ha-seret her?a ?et-ha-milxama the-movie showed acc-the-war ‘The movie showed the war.’ (2) Ha-seret her?a (*?et-)milxama the-movie showed (*acc-)war ‘The movie showed a war’ (from Aissen, 2003) 27 / 45

  39. Differential case marking 28 / 45

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