Numeral classifiers in areal perspective:
Khmer and Thai 'syntactic borrowing' revisited
RIKKER DOCKUM, YALE UNIVERSITY
AUSTROASIATIC SYNTAX IN AREAL AND DIACHRONIC PERSPECTIVE 5-7 SEPTEMBER 2016
Numeral classifiers in areal perspective: Khmer and Thai - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation
Numeral classifiers in areal perspective: Khmer and Thai 'syntactic borrowing' revisited RIKKER DOCKUM , YALE UNIVERSITY AUSTROASIATIC SYNTAX IN AREAL AND DIACHRONIC PERSPECTIVE 5-7 SEPTEMBER 2016 Huffman 1973 Examines the following, in
AUSTROASIATIC SYNTAX IN AREAL AND DIACHRONIC PERSPECTIVE 5-7 SEPTEMBER 2016
Examines the following, in varying levels of detail (i) noun phrases, further divided into centered NPs and coordinate NPs (ii) verb phrases, including examples of adjectival verbs, transitive verbs, modal verbs, completive verbs, and directional verbs (iii) adverbs (iv) adverbials (v) relators, dealing with prepositions and conjunction (vi) polite particles (vii) final particles (viii) major sentence types General conclusion: both the synchronic and diachronic evidence indicates that Khmer has converged with Thai
Huffman’s conclusion: both the synchronic and diachronic evidence indicates that Khmer has converged with Thai It’s not clear that Huffman is wrong. But I also not obvious that he’s right We have to rule out chance and coincidence, and we have to rule out common influence on both languages from an outside source. One thing we can definitely do, at least, is to cast a wider net
‘Classifier’ has been used to mean:
As is ever the case in linguistics, we have a terminology problem. This doesn’t mean that people are actually confused about the concept, but in both written and spoken discussion ambiguities arise, and of course the lack of standardization of the terminology acts as an impediment for finding relevant literature.
‘Classifier’ has been used to mean:
‘Classifier’ has been used to mean:
‘Classifier’ has been used to mean:
‘Classifier’ has been used to mean:
‘Classifier’ has been used to mean:
‘Classifier’ has been used to mean:
‘Classifier’ has been used to mean:
To be clear, what I’m talking about in this talk is just this one category
‘Classifier’ has been used to mean:
“Classifiers” is sometimes used for to mean this subset
‘Classifier’ has been used to mean:
“Numeral Classifiers” (Aikhenvald 2000) is this subset
‘Classifier’ has been used to mean:
Others have used this distinction, also problematic
‘Classifier’ has been used to mean:
Classifiers, Numeral Classifiers, Sortal Classifiers, Specifiers, Numeral Coefficients, Generics, Counter Words
‘Classifier’ has been used to mean:
Classifiers, Numeral Classifiers, Sortal Classifiers, Specifiers, Numeral Coefficients, Generics, Counter Words
All of these have been used over the decades just for this one subcategory!
Bon (2012)
This is the type I am talking about today
Noun NUM CLF Logical possibilities: Noun-NUM-CLF NUM-CLF-Noun Noun-CLF-NUM CLF-NUM-Noun NUM-Noun-CLF CLF-Noun-NUM
Noun NUM CLF Logical possibilities: Noun-NUM-CLF NUM-CLF-Noun Noun-CLF-NUM CLF-NUM-Noun NUM-Noun-CLF CLF-Noun-NUM
Found throughout East and Southeast Asia
NUM-CLF form a cohesive unit, in that order, and the locus of variation is on where they fall with respect to the head noun
Noun NUM CLF Logical possibilities: Noun-NUM-CLF NUM-CLF-Noun Noun-CLF-NUM CLF-NUM-Noun NUM-Noun-CLF CLF-Noun-NUM
Found elsewhere in the world (examples?)
Noun NUM CLF Logical possibilities: Noun-NUM-CLF NUM-CLF-Noun Noun-CLF-NUM CLF-NUM-Noun NUM-Noun-CLF CLF-Noun-NUM
‘Never’ found (Allan 1977, Greenberg 1972, 1975; but cf. Adams 1989:24, note 8, which I think is incorrect)
Jones (1970)
IAa. DEM | NUM-CLF-ADJ-Noun IAb. DEM | NUM-CLF | Noun-ADJ IBa. NUM-CLF | Noun-ADJ-DEM IIAa. DEM-Noun-ADJ | NUM-CLF IIBb. Noun-ADJ | NUM-CLF | DEM IICc. Noun-ADJ-DEM | NUM-CLF
Sino-Tibetan Mon-Khmer Tai-Kadai Hmong-Mien Austronesian IAa. Modern Chinese Cebuano IAb. Mien IBa. Vietnamese, Brou, Sedang White Tai, Black Tai, Nung Hmong Malay, Indonesian IIBb. Karen Palaung, Khmer, Khmu Shan, Thai Javanese IICc. Lisu IIAa. Ancient Chinese, Lolo, Burmese, Lahu, Maru Rawang
Jones (1970)
Sino-Tibetan Mon-Khmer Tai-Kadai Hmong-Mien Austronesian IAa. Modern Chinese Cebuano IAb. Mien IBa. Vietnamese, Brou, Sedang White Tai, Black Tai, Nung Hmong Malay, Indonesian IIBb. Karen Palaung, Khmer, Khmu Shan, Thai Javanese IICc. Lisu IIAa. Ancient Chinese, Lolo, Burmese, Lahu, Maru Rawang
Jones (1970)
Genetically Geographically Close Distant Close Distant
It’s not entirely clear who innovated. Consider two dimensions of distance between languages of a family: geographic distance and genetic distance
Thai Genetically Geographically Close Distant Close Lao
Khamti Kam
Lao and Khamti classifier phrases pattern with Thai Lao is both geographically and genetically close to Thai Khamti is geographically distant but genetically close
Thai Genetically Geographically Close Distant Close Lao
Khamti Kam
Kam on the other hand, is goth geographically distant and genetically distant from Thai, and so we see a different classifier phrase order And it’s not clear we have a good case of genetically distant but geographically close to Thai
Branch Language Order Khmeric Khmer NOUN NUM CLF Khmuic Khmu NOUN NUM CLF Mlabri NOUN NUM CLF Monic Mon NOUN NUM CLF Katuic Bru NUM CLF NOUN Pacoh NUM CLF NOUN Bahnaric Jeh NUM CLF NOUN Sre NUM CLF NOUN Vietic Vietnamese NUM CLF NOUN Ruc NUM CLF NOUN
Branch Language Order SWTai Thai NOUN NUM CLF SWTai Lao NOUN NUM CLF SWTai Ahom NOUN NUM CLF SWTai Khamti NOUN NUM CLF NTai Zhuang NUM CLF NOUN Kam Bru NUM CLF NOUN Sui Jeh NUM CLF NOUN
So let’s step back and look at the subgroups that Thai and Khmer belong to in their respective families
(The black bars just divide up clades further within those subgroups)
Lexical calquing → Grammatical Calquing → Metatypy
I asked earlier who innovated. So let’s stop now and ask ourselves how such innovation occurs. Ross has proposed a useful schema for considering the circumstances under which contact-induced syntactic change can occur.
Lexical calquing
Unrelated forms come to cover the same range of meaning
(5) a. Thai: ton-maaj sɔɔŋ ton Khmer: daam-chəə pii daəm tree-wood two
CLF.TREE
‘two trees’ b. Thai: phom sɨɨ kluaj mamuaŋ (lɛʔ) malakɔɔ pen-ton Khmer: kñom tɨñ ceik swaay (haəy-nɨŋ) lhong ciə-daəm 1SG buy banana mango (and) papaya
COP-start
‘I bought bananas, mangos, (and) papayas, et cetera.’
Grammatical calquing
Metatypy
model of the constructions of the speakers' other language, such that the constructions of the replica language come to more closely match those of the model language in both meaning and morphosyntax’
patterning after some unrelated Trans-New Guinea language
Lexical calquing Grammatical calquing ? Metatypy
Khmero-Thai (Wilaiwan 2001) Bilingualism in Sukhothai and Ayutthaya (1350-1550 CE)
Wilaiwan Khanittanan hypothesized about “Khmero-Thai”
Khmero-Thai (Wilaiwan 2001) Bilingualism in Sukhothai and Ayutthaya (1350-1550 CE)
❖Liturgical Buddhist texts in Khmer script ❖Vernacular Thai texts in Khmer script ❖Parallel and multilingual texts in Thai-Khmer-Pali (Mango Grove) ❖High-prestige Khmer loanwords of great age ❖Sanskrit loans passed through Khmer phonology en route to Thai
Khmero-Thai (Wilaiwan 2001) Bilingualism in Sukhothai and Ayutthaya (1350-1550 CE)
So what’s the problem? Directionality Location
Khmero-Thai (Wilaiwan 2001) Bilingualism in Sukhothai and Ayutthaya (1350-1550 CE)
Direction: If Khmer patterns after Thai, why, during the period of perhaps their most intense contact, was influence apparently unidirectional? No extant Khmer texts written in Thai script. Location: Thai was never a prestige language in Cambodia. If there was significant bilingualism, how far did it reach beyond Sukhothai and Ayutthaya? It’s unclear. Despite the fall of the Khmer Empire and the rise of the Thai polity in the region, it’s not clear that we have the right social conditions for Khmer to be unidirectionally patterning after Thai.
Khmer Jenner Corpus of Khmer Inscriptions (6th-14th centuries CE) http://sealang.net/ok/corpus.htm Thai Corpus of Sukhothai inscriptions (13th-16th centuries CE) (personally digitized from published sources)
‘Numeral coefficients’ (encompasses sortal and mensural classifiers), as cited by Jacob (1993) Old Khmer (7th-12th centuries C.E.)
“4 buffalo”
“2 children”
“1 coconut tree”
“1 female serf” (unexpected order)
caṃmreṅ ptau ’añ | ku juṅ vaḥ | ku vrahey | ku moy ’nak | ku moy ’nak sin | (10) ku tāṅ ’tā16 | ku ’alaṅ | ku trapāc | ku kep | ku saṃmreṅ | ku panlas | ku yi naṅ | Singers: Ptau ’Añ; ku Juṅ Vaḥ; ku Vrahey; ku Moy ’Nak; another ku Moy ’Nak; ku Tāṅ ’Tā; ku ’Alaṅ; ku Trapāc; ku Kep; kuSaṃreṅ; ku Panlas; ku yi Naṅ. (Jenner, K.137, 7thC)
It is unlikely Old Khmer had grammaticalized sortal classifiers at all We see abundant use of nouns with bare numerals in Old Khmer
Two exceptions: for tree toṅ and for person ’nak At best, classifiers were extremely nascent in Old Khmer If they did exist, it predates the arrival of Tai speaking groups by centuries, so we would have to posit some other influence
Compare to the Sukhothai corpus (post Old Khmer)
lūk – classifier for round or spherical objects: braḥ-mahā-dhātu sạṅ lūk (T.2, face 2, line 75; ca. 1345 C.E.)
PFX.holy-great-relic
2
CLF.ROUND
‘two great relics’ (Griswold and Prasert 1992:402) duaṅ – classifier for circular objects: pariban lek sip duaṅ (T.14, face 1, line 19; 1536 C.E.) bowl small 10
CLF.CIRCLE
‘ten small accessory bowls (Griswold and Prasert 1992:649) We clearly have fully grammaticalized classifiers in Thai at this point
Mango Grove Inscription (Sukhothai, 1361 C.E.)
Khmer text (K.413, face B, lines 34-35):
…mās jyaṅ 10 | prāk jyaṅ 10 | khvad lār 10 | slā lār2 | cibara kse 4… …gold unit 10 | silver unit 10 | unkn. million 10 | areca million 2| habit bundle 4…
‘…ten jyaṅ of gold, ten jyaṅ of silver, ten million khvad, two million areca-nuts, four bundles of monk’s habits…’ (Jenner)
Thai text (T.5, face 3, lines 14-16):
…dạŋ mən nīṅ| ṅən mən nīṅ| pīya sip lān | mā[k si]p lān | phā cībara sī rạy… …gold 10,000 1 | silver 10,0001 | cowry 10 million | areca 10 million | cloth habit 4 hundred…
‘…ten thousand of gold, ten thousand of silver, ten million cowries, ten million areca nuts, four hundred [sets of] robes…’ (Griswold and Prasert 1992)
mensural classifiers to come along for the ride, or was it a larger syntactic change?
the (re-?)introduction of optional sortal classifiers order; but were there other Tai languages Khmer was in contact with? What was the regional ‘syntactic milieu’, both within and outside of AA?
picture of the diachronic processes at work, even if in the end we decide on the same conclusion as Huffman.
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