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Notes es on Fi FinP as s landin ing site for V2 Giuseppe Samo - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

Notes es on Fi FinP as s landin ing site for V2 Giuseppe Samo Dpartement de Linguistique Universit de Genve giuseppe.samo@unige.ch Oslo, 09.03.2015 1 out of 19 Giuseppe Samo Universit de Genve Traces of History Oslo,


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Notes es on Fi FinP as s landin ing site for V2

Giuseppe Samo Département de Linguistique Université de Genève giuseppe.samo@unige.ch Oslo, 09.03.2015

Giuseppe Samo Université de Genève

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Verb Second (V2)

(1)[CP [IP [VP]]]

➢ Verb (head) movement to C° ➢ XP moved to SpecCP ➢ Only one XP to the left of the finite verb

*working hypothesis:toward a uniform analysis of V2

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Cartography of Syntactic Structures

(1) [CP [IP [VP]]]

(2) [ForceP [TopP* [IntP [TopP* [FocusP [TopP* [ModP [Qemb [ FinP ]]]]]]]]]

(Rizzi 1997, 2001, 2004 and Rizzi & Bocci, forthcoming)

The Left Periphery (LP) of the Clause:

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Which projection in Rizzi's map?

I will evaluate + and –

  • f:

➢ ForceP ➢ TopicP / FocusP / ModP ➢ FinP

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ForceP TopP* IntP TopP* FocusP TopP* ModP Qemb FinP

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ForceP +

  • 1. No free space

'outer portion' of the CP where items might be base generated (HT, Scene Setting) (Poletto 2002: 279) The pillars of Hercules: no higher functional projections where items can move to.

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ForceP +

(3) Upphæðin, Þeir ákváðu hana strax. Sum-the (N) they determined it (A) immediately 'As for the sum, they payed it immediately' (Icelandic, Þráhinsson 2007: 358) (4) så i England fick jag alltid rostat bröd. so in England got I always toasted bread 'So (therefore) in England I always got toast. (Swedish, Bohnacker 2006: 453) (5) Giani, inier, ci a-al pa fat? John, yesterday, what has-he Interrogative Marker done? 'What has John done yesterday?' (Rhaeto-Romance, Poletto 2002: 232 (38b))

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  • 1. More than one element might cross V2

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ForceP -

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ForceP -

(6) rameshan kyaa dyuntnay tse Ramesh (E) what gave you 'As for Ramesh, what is it that he gave to you? ' (Kashmiri, Bhatt 1999: 107 (37a)) (7) Hiora untrymnesse he sceal rowian on his heortan. their weakness he shall atone in his heart 'He shall atone in his heart for their weakness.' (Old English, Pintzuk 1999: 136) (8) Seinen neuen Aufsatz, wann sollen wir den lesen? His.acc new.acc article when should we it read? 'When should we read his new article?' (German, Hubert Haider, 03.12.2014)

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ForceP TopP* IntP TopP* FocusP Top*P ModP Qemb FinP

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TopP/FocP/ModP +

  • 1. (6), (7), (8)
  • 2. (9)

To VIVLIO sdhose i Maria sto Yani. the-acc book gave-3s the-nom Maria to-the-acc Yani 'It is the book that Maria gave to Yani.' (Greek, Tsimpli 1995: 177 (2b)) (10) ãal-kitaab-a wajada muhammad-un. the-book-ACC found Muhammad-NOM ‘THE BOOK, Muhammad found.’ (Standard Arabic, Shlonsky 2000: 329 (6a))

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TopP/FocP/ModP -

  • 1. Expletives

.

(11)

  • a. Es ist ein Junge gekommen
  • b. *pro ist ein Junge gekommen

(There) is a boy come

  • c. *Gestern ist es ein Junge gekommen
  • d. Gestern ist pro ein Junge gekommen

yesterday is {there) a boy come

  • e. *Warum ist es ein Junge gekommen?
  • f. Warum ist pro ein Junge gekommen?

Why is (there) a boy come ? (German, Vikner 1995: 69 (7))

*I am aware that TopP/FocP/ModP would match with an asymmetric view of V2 (Subj vs non-Subj) à-la Travis (1984) and Zwart (1997). I will not enter into details, however I will not buy such idea following Schwartz & Vikner (1996), van Craenenbroeck & Haegeman (2006).

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ForceP TopP* IntP TopP* FocusP TopP* ModP Qemb FinP

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FinP +

  • 1. Expletives

“Since Fin is not a criterial head, it does not assign any special interpretative property to its Spec” (Rizzi and Shlonsky 2006: 344)

  • 2. Vikner (1995: 40) “the closest leftward

position to the canonical subject position”

(12)

  • a. Jón harmar að Þessa bók skuli ég hafa lesi.

John regrets that this book shall I have read John regrets that I have read this book

  • b. Ég veit að Það hefur enginn lesi. bókina

I know that there has no one read the book I know that no one has read the book c Ég hélt að kysst hefðu hana margir stúdentar I thought that kissed had her many students I thought that many students had kissed her

  • d. *Ég hélt að hana kysst hefðu margir stúdentar

I thought that her kissed had many students I thought that many students had kissed her

(Icelandic, Anderson 2012: 184 (7.4, 7.5))

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FinP +

  • 2. (13)

a. Al m a dit c DUMAN va-al a Venezia he me has told that tomorrow goes-he to Venice ‘He told me that he is going to Venice tomorrow.’ (Rhaeto-Romance, Poletto 2002: 224 (18a)) b. I swear that not a single book did he buy (English, Haegeman 2012: 9 (5))

Comp in ForceP/FinP Bridge Verbs

(14) *Er sagt, daß die Kinder haben diesen Film gesehen Er sagt, daß die Kinder diesen Film gesehen haben 'He says that the children (have) this film seen (have)' (German, Vikner 1995: 48 (36c, 36d)) (15) Ich glaube, gestern habe Maria dieses Buch gelesen. I believe yesterday has Maria this book read 'I believe Maria read this book yesterday' (German, Roberts 2004: 303 (20)) Giuseppe Samo Université de Genève

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FinP +

  • 3. towards a universalist hypothesis: Verb to C = FinP?

Subject-Inversion in French in (16); (9), (10):

(16)

  • a. Qui que tu as vu?

Who that you have seen?

  • b. Qui as-tu vu?

Who have you seen?

  • c. *Qui qu'as-tu vu?

Who that have you seen? (Rizzi & Roberts 1996: 93 (6))

If XPs bear features, FinP as an escape hatch (Cardinaletti 2010).

  • 4. Once in FinP, nothing prevents the fronted XP (with
  • r without the verb) from moving higher.

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Notes...

Buying a universalist point of view, FinP seems to be the landing site* of the Verb** that encounters least problems.

*maybe the first position where the verb lands in the CP ** Not only in V2 languages

Further research is still required. e.g. Syntax/Prosody; Syntax/Semantics and particles like Rhaeto-romance 'pa' (Poletto 2002), at the border between CP and IP; locality.

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Thank you!

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Tusen takk! Grazie mille!

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Main References

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Anderson S.R, (2012) Aspects of the Theory of Clitics, Oxford University Press. Belletti A. (2014) The focus map of clefts: Extraposition and Predication, to appear in Shlonsky U., Beyond Functional Sequence (The cartography of Syntactic Structures series), Oxford University Press. Bhatt R.M. (1999) Verb Movement and the Syntax of Kashmiri, Dordrecht, Kluwer Academic Publishers. Bohnacker U., (2006) When Swedes begin to learn German: from V2 to V2, Second Language Research 22 - 4, 443 – 486. Cardinaletti A. (2010)On a (wh-) moved Topic in Italian, compared to Germanic, in Alexiadou A., Hankamer J., McFadden T., Nuger J., Schäfer F., (eds) Advances on Comparative Germanic Syntax, John Benjamins Publishing, Amsterdam / Philadelphia. Craenenbroeck, J. Van, Haegeman L. (2006) The derivation of subject-initial V2, Linguistic Inquiry 38: 167 – 178. Den Besten H. (1983) On the interaction of root transformations and lexical deletive rules, in Werner A., (ed.) On the formal syntax

  • f the Westgermania, Amsterdam, John Benjamins.

Haegeman, L. (1996). Verb second, the split CP and null subjects in early Dutch finite clauses. GenGenP University of Geneva. Haegeman L. (2012) Adverbial Clauses, Main Clauses Phenomena, and Composition of the Left Periphery: The Cartography of Syntactic Structures, Volume 8, New York, Oxford University Press. Koster, J. (2003) All Languages are Tense Second, in Koster J., van Riemsdijk H. (eds), Germania et Alia: A Linguistic Webschrift for Hans den Besten. Pintzuk, S. (1999) Phrase Structures in Competition. Variation and Change in Old English Word Order, New York: Garland. Poletto C., (2002) The left periphery of a V2-Rhaetoromance dialect A new perspective on V2 and V3, in Syntactic microvariation, in Barbiers S., Cornips L., van der Kleij S. (eds), Syntactic Microvariation. Electronic publications of Meertens Instituut. Rizzi L., (1997) The Fine Structure of the Left Periphery, in Haegeman, L (ed..), Elements of Grammar, Dordecht, Kluwer, 281 – 337. Rizzi L., (2001) On the Position 'Int(errogative)' in the Left Periphery of the Clause, in Cinque G., Salvi G.P. (eds) Current Studies in Italian Syntax: Essays offered to Lorenzo Renzi, Amsterdam, North Holland, 287 – 296. Rizzi L., (2004) Locality and Left Periphery, in Belletti A. (ed.), Structures and Beyond, The Cartography of Syntactic Structure Vol 3. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 223 – 251. Rizzi L., Roberts I. (1996) Complex Inversion in French, in Belletti A., Rizzi L. (eds) Parameters and Functional heads Essays in Comparative Syntax, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 91 – 116. Roberts I., (2004) The C-System in Brythonich Celtic Languages, V2, and the EPP, in Rizzi L. (ed.), The Structure of CP and IP: the Cartography of Syntactic Structures, Volume 2, Oxford Studies in Comparative Syntax, 297 – 328. Roberts I., (2007) Diachronic Syntax, Cambridge University Press. Schwartz B.D., Vikner S. (1996) The verb always leave IP in V2 clauses, in Belletti A., Rizzi L. (eds) Parameters and Functional heads Essays in Comparative Syntax, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 91 – 116. Shlonsky U., (2000) Remarks on the Complementizer Layer of Standard Arabic, in Lecarme J., Lowenstamm J., Shlonsky U., Research in Afroasiatic Grammar: Papers from the Third conference on Afroasiatic Languages, Sophia Antipolis, 1996, vi., 325 – 343. Shlonsky U., (2006) Extended projection and CP cartography, Nouveaux cahiers de linguistique française 27, pp. 83 – 93. Þráhinsson H., (2007) The Syntax of Icelandic, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

Travis L., (1984) Parameters and Effects of Word Order Variation, Ph.D. dissertation, M.I.T.

Tsimpli, I. M. (1995) Focusing in Modern Greek, in Kiss (ed.), Discourse Configurational Languages, Oxford University Press, 176- 206 Vikner S., (1995) Verb Movement and Expletive Subjects in the Germanic Languages, New York, Oxford University Press. Wiklund A.L. et Al., (2007) Rethinking Scandinavian Verb Movement, Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 10, 203 – 233. Zwart J.W., (1997) Morphosyntax and Verb Movement, Dordrecht, Kluwer.