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Morphology and Corpora: Introduction Marco Baroni University of Bologna Granada Morphology and Corpora Seminar Outline Corpora General overview Data sparseness and the need for larger corpora Morphology Derivational vs. inflectional


  1. Morphology and Corpora: Introduction Marco Baroni University of Bologna Granada “Morphology and Corpora” Seminar

  2. Outline Corpora General overview Data sparseness and the need for larger corpora Morphology Derivational vs. inflectional morphology Data in morphology

  3. Corpora: what and why ◮ Collections of natural text stored on computer

  4. Corpora: what and why ◮ Collections of natural text stored on computer ◮ Useful for:

  5. Corpora: what and why ◮ Collections of natural text stored on computer ◮ Useful for: ◮ NLP (e.g., speech recognition, text categorization, question answering, machine translation. . . )

  6. Corpora: what and why ◮ Collections of natural text stored on computer ◮ Useful for: ◮ NLP (e.g., speech recognition, text categorization, question answering, machine translation. . . ) ◮ lexicography, grammar writing, language teaching

  7. Corpora: what and why ◮ Collections of natural text stored on computer ◮ Useful for: ◮ NLP (e.g., speech recognition, text categorization, question answering, machine translation. . . ) ◮ lexicography, grammar writing, language teaching ◮ theoretical linguistics?

  8. Typology ◮ Balanced, representative, ‘reference’ corpora: Brown/LOB (1M tokens), COBUILD (10M, . . . ), BNC (100M)

  9. Typology ◮ Balanced, representative, ‘reference’ corpora: Brown/LOB (1M tokens), COBUILD (10M, . . . ), BNC (100M) ◮ Opportunistic: WSJ, la Repubblica-SSLMIT, Gigaword (1B)

  10. Typology ◮ Balanced, representative, ‘reference’ corpora: Brown/LOB (1M tokens), COBUILD (10M, . . . ), BNC (100M) ◮ Opportunistic: WSJ, la Repubblica-SSLMIT, Gigaword (1B) ◮ Web-derived corpora (WaCky project: 1.65B tokens of German, 1.9B tokens of Italian)

  11. Typology ◮ Balanced, representative, ‘reference’ corpora: Brown/LOB (1M tokens), COBUILD (10M, . . . ), BNC (100M) ◮ Opportunistic: WSJ, la Repubblica-SSLMIT, Gigaword (1B) ◮ Web-derived corpora (WaCky project: 1.65B tokens of German, 1.9B tokens of Italian) ◮ Specialized, parallel, comparable, diachronic. . .

  12. Standard requirements for a modern corpus ◮ POS-tagging and lemmatization

  13. Standard requirements for a modern corpus ◮ POS-tagging and lemmatization ◮ Indexing with specialized software that allows sophisticated linguistic queries

  14. Standard requirements for a modern corpus ◮ POS-tagging and lemmatization ◮ Indexing with specialized software that allows sophisticated linguistic queries ◮ Many other desirable features:

  15. Standard requirements for a modern corpus ◮ POS-tagging and lemmatization ◮ Indexing with specialized software that allows sophisticated linguistic queries ◮ Many other desirable features: ◮ Meta-data

  16. Standard requirements for a modern corpus ◮ POS-tagging and lemmatization ◮ Indexing with specialized software that allows sophisticated linguistic queries ◮ Many other desirable features: ◮ Meta-data ◮ Syntactic parsing

  17. Standard requirements for a modern corpus ◮ POS-tagging and lemmatization ◮ Indexing with specialized software that allows sophisticated linguistic queries ◮ Many other desirable features: ◮ Meta-data ◮ Syntactic parsing ◮ Web interface

  18. Standard requirements for a modern corpus ◮ POS-tagging and lemmatization ◮ Indexing with specialized software that allows sophisticated linguistic queries ◮ Many other desirable features: ◮ Meta-data ◮ Syntactic parsing ◮ Web interface ◮ . . .

  19. Zipf’s Law LOB Frequency Spectrum ● 20000 types 10000 ● 5000 ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 frequency class

  20. There is no data like more data! ◮ In NLP (Banko and Brill, 2001), lexicography (Kilgarriff 2005) as well as corpus-based linguistics (Mair, 2003), often. . .

  21. There is no data like more data! ◮ In NLP (Banko and Brill, 2001), lexicography (Kilgarriff 2005) as well as corpus-based linguistics (Mair, 2003), often. . . ◮ more data is better data!

  22. There is no data like more data! ◮ In NLP (Banko and Brill, 2001), lexicography (Kilgarriff 2005) as well as corpus-based linguistics (Mair, 2003), often. . . ◮ more data is better data! ◮ This implies:

  23. There is no data like more data! ◮ In NLP (Banko and Brill, 2001), lexicography (Kilgarriff 2005) as well as corpus-based linguistics (Mair, 2003), often. . . ◮ more data is better data! ◮ This implies: ◮ Less clean data sources (the Web)

  24. There is no data like more data! ◮ In NLP (Banko and Brill, 2001), lexicography (Kilgarriff 2005) as well as corpus-based linguistics (Mair, 2003), often. . . ◮ more data is better data! ◮ This implies: ◮ Less clean data sources (the Web) ◮ Automated processing

  25. Outline Corpora General overview Data sparseness and the need for larger corpora Morphology Derivational vs. inflectional morphology Data in morphology

  26. Derivation vs. inflection ◮ Derivational morphology: word formation, e.g.: compounding, nominalizations, English prefixing

  27. Derivation vs. inflection ◮ Derivational morphology: word formation, e.g.: compounding, nominalizations, English prefixing ◮ Inflectional morphology: syntax-driven morphology, e.g.: agreement, plural formation, verbal paradigms

  28. Derivation vs. inflection ◮ Derivational morphology: word formation, e.g.: compounding, nominalizations, English prefixing ◮ Inflectional morphology: syntax-driven morphology, e.g.: agreement, plural formation, verbal paradigms

  29. Derivation vs. inflection ◮ Derivational morphology: word formation, e.g.: compounding, nominalizations, English prefixing ◮ Inflectional morphology: syntax-driven morphology, e.g.: agreement, plural formation, verbal paradigms ◮ Corpus data especially relevant to derivational morphology (productivity, lexicalization, close link to lexical semantics)

  30. Data in morphology ◮ Unlike syntacticians, morphologists have traditionally recognized importance of extensional linguistic data

  31. Data in morphology ◮ Unlike syntacticians, morphologists have traditionally recognized importance of extensional linguistic data ◮ In word formation, attestedness matters, cf. notion of possible vs. existing word, issues of lexical storage

  32. Data in morphology ◮ Unlike syntacticians, morphologists have traditionally recognized importance of extensional linguistic data ◮ In word formation, attestedness matters, cf. notion of possible vs. existing word, issues of lexical storage ◮ (In syntax – except in recent “constructional” approaches – it makes no sense to distinguish between possible and existing well-formed sentences)

  33. Data in morphology ◮ Unlike syntacticians, morphologists have traditionally recognized importance of extensional linguistic data ◮ In word formation, attestedness matters, cf. notion of possible vs. existing word, issues of lexical storage ◮ (In syntax – except in recent “constructional” approaches – it makes no sense to distinguish between possible and existing well-formed sentences) ◮ Traditionally, data in morphology come from dictionaries

  34. Problems with dictionaries ◮ Underestimation of very productive, “unintentional” word formation processes

  35. Problems with dictionaries ◮ Underestimation of very productive, “unintentional” word formation processes ◮ Overestimation of “fancy” word formation (e.g., latinate/neoclassic wf in specialized lexicon)

  36. Problems with dictionaries ◮ Underestimation of very productive, “unintentional” word formation processes ◮ Overestimation of “fancy” word formation (e.g., latinate/neoclassic wf in specialized lexicon) ◮ History and contemporary language mixed

  37. Problems with dictionaries ◮ Underestimation of very productive, “unintentional” word formation processes ◮ Overestimation of “fancy” word formation (e.g., latinate/neoclassic wf in specialized lexicon) ◮ History and contemporary language mixed ◮ Criteria for selection of entries not clear

  38. Problems with dictionaries ◮ Underestimation of very productive, “unintentional” word formation processes ◮ Overestimation of “fancy” word formation (e.g., latinate/neoclassic wf in specialized lexicon) ◮ History and contemporary language mixed ◮ Criteria for selection of entries not clear ◮ No frequency information

  39. Problems with dictionaries ◮ Underestimation of very productive, “unintentional” word formation processes ◮ Overestimation of “fancy” word formation (e.g., latinate/neoclassic wf in specialized lexicon) ◮ History and contemporary language mixed ◮ Criteria for selection of entries not clear ◮ No frequency information ◮ Very little contextual information

  40. Problems with dictionaries ◮ Underestimation of very productive, “unintentional” word formation processes ◮ Overestimation of “fancy” word formation (e.g., latinate/neoclassic wf in specialized lexicon) ◮ History and contemporary language mixed ◮ Criteria for selection of entries not clear ◮ No frequency information ◮ Very little contextual information ◮ More and more dictionaries are corpus-based in any case

  41. The importance of the past tense debate ◮ The English past tense debate between connectionists and defenders of the symbolic approach. . .

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