IGRA 01 Opacity in Syntax Greg Kobele April 23, 2019 - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

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IGRA 01 Opacity in Syntax Greg Kobele April 23, 2019 - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

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IGRA 01 Opacity in Syntax Greg Kobele April 23, 2019 Counter-feeding in Syntax Wanna Contraction 1. Control vs ECM 1.1 Who do you want to meet ? 1.2 Who do you wanna meet ? 1.3 Who do you want to meet Mary ? 1.4 Who do you wanna meet

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SLIDE 1

IGRA 01

Opacity in Syntax

Greg Kobele April 23, 2019

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SLIDE 2

Counter-feeding in Syntax

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Wanna Contraction

  • 1. Control vs ECM

1.1 Who do you want to meet ? 1.2 Who do you wanna meet ? 1.3 Who do you want to meet Mary ? 1.4 ∗ Who do you wanna meet Mary?

Coarse Analysis Two operations: Wanna-contraction (optional) contract adjacent want and to Wh-movement (obligatory) front a wh-word

1

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SLIDE 4

Counter-bleeding in Syntax

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Reflexivization in Imperatives

  • 2. Reflexivization in Imperatives

2.1 ∗ Wash you! 2.2 Wash yourself!

Analysis Two processes: Principle A an anaphor is bound within its minimal clause Imperative subject deletion In imperatives, subjects are deleted

2

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SLIDE 6

Wh-movement from ECM Complements

  • 3. Who1 do [TP you believe [TP t1 to have left]] ?

3

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SLIDE 7

Problematic assumptions

ECM complements are TPs (because CPs block case assignment) Subjacency movement cannot cross two bounding nodes

  • Bounding nodes in English: DP and TP

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SLIDE 8

Examples for Subjacency

∗ How1 does [TP she know [CP [which car]2 [TP Mary fixed t2 t1]]] ? How1 do [TP you think [CP t1 [TP Mary fixed the car t1]]] ?

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Revised assumptions

Goal Preserve spirit of assumptions New Assumptions

  • ECM complements are TPs at some point
  • All sentential complement verbs select for CPs
  • new operation: Structure removal
  • can delete heads

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SLIDE 10

Solution

believe selects CP do [TP you believe [CP who1 [TP t1 to have left]]] move WH who1 do [TP you believe [CP t1 [TP t1 to have left]]] case via structure removal who1 do [TP you believe [TP t1 to have left]]

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SLIDE 11

Remnant movement in German

  • 4. Anti-freezing vs freezing

4.1 [VP t1 gelesen]2 hat [das Buch]1 keiner t2 4.2 ∗ Was1 denkst du [VP t1 gelesen]2 hat keiner t2 4.3 ∗ Was1 hat [VP t1 gelesen]2 keiner t2

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Analysis

CED Movement cannot cross a barrier

  • 1. an XP is a barrier iff it is not a complement
  • 2. . . . iff it has been moved

X-Criterion an [X]-marked YP must show up in SpecZP, where Z requires [X]

  • i.e. movement is feature-driven, consent is

required from both parties

  • [TOPIC], [SCRAMBLE], [WH]

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SLIDE 13

A case study on syntactic copying

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SLIDE 14

Background

  • Yoruba is
  • an official language of Nigeria
  • spoken natively by ∼40 mil people
  • useful to think of as a Kwa language
  • Yoruba has
  • three level tones (H, M, L)
  • (Subject-)Verb-Object, Noun-Determiner, Noun-Possessor
  • three areal constructions:
  • 1. serial verbs
  • 2. predicate clefts
  • 3. verbal relatives

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Simple sentences

  • 1. Jimo

Jimo ra buy adie chicken ’Jimo bought a chicken’

  • 2. Adie

chicken ti that Jimo Jimo ra buy kere little ’The chicken Jimo bought was little’

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Simple sentences

  • 1. Jimo

Jimo ra buy adie chicken ’Jimo bought a chicken’

  • 2. Adie

chicken ti that Jimo Jimo ra buy

kere

little ’The chicken Jimo bought was little’

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Verbal relatives

Jimo ra adie .

  • 1. Adie

chicken ti that Jimo Jimo ra buy kere little “The chicken that Jimo bought is little.”

  • 2. Rira

buying ti that Jimo Jimo ra buy adie chicken ko not da good “The way/fact that Jimo bought the chicken wasn’t good.”

  • 3. Rira

buying adie chicken ti that Jimo Jimo ra buy adie chicken ko not da good

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Verbal relatives

Jimo ra adie .

  • 1. Adie

chicken ti that Jimo Jimo ra buy

kere

little “The chicken that Jimo bought is little.”

  • 2. Rira

buying ti that Jimo Jimo ra buy adie chicken

ko

not

da

good “The way/fact that Jimo bought the chicken wasn’t good.”

  • 3. Rira

buying adie chicken ti that Jimo Jimo ra buy adie chicken

ko

not

da

good

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Verbal relatives

Jimo ra adie .

  • 1. Adie

chicken ti that Jimo Jimo ra buy

kere

little “The chicken that Jimo bought is little.”

  • 2. Rira

buying ti that Jimo Jimo ra buy adie chicken

ko

not

da

good “The way/fact that Jimo bought the chicken wasn’t good.”

  • 3. Rira

buying adie chicken ti that Jimo Jimo ra buy adie chicken

ko

not

da

good

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Copying in VRels

Jimo ra adie .

  • ∗ Jije

eating ti that Jimo Jimo ra buy adie chicken

  • ∗ Rira

buying nkan something ti that Jimo Jimo ra buy adie chicken

  • ∗ Rira

buying adie chicken ti that Jimo Jimo ra buy nkan something

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Phrasal copies in Yoruba I: Serial Verbs

  • Bode

Bode ti push Akin Akin s .ubu fall “Bode pushed Akin down.”

  • Titi

pushing ti REL Bode Bode ti push Akin Akin s .ubu fall “The fact/way Bode pushed Akin down”

  • Titi

pushing Akin Akin s .ubu fall ti REL Bode Bode ti push Akin Akin s .ubu fall

  • Titi

pushing s .ubu fall ti REL Bode Bode ti push Akin Akin s .ubu fall

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Phrasal copies in Yoruba II: Tones

  • Olu

Olu ra buy adie . chicken

  • Rirà

buying ti REL Olu Olu ra buy adie . chicken

  • Rira

buying adie . chicken ti REL Olu Olu ra buy adie . chicken

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Simple Sentences

  • Rira

buying ti that Jimo Jimo ra buy adie chicken ko not da good “The way/fact that Jimo bought the chicken wasn’t good.”

  • Rira

buying adie chicken ti that Jimo Jimo ra buy adie chicken ko not da good

S NP Jimo VP V ra NP adie 16

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Complex Sentences

  • Titi

pushing ti that Bode Bode ti push Akin Akin subu fall ko not da good “The way/fact that Bode pushed Akin down wasn’t good.”

  • Titi

pushing subu fall ti that Bode Bode ti push Akin Akin subu fall ko not da good

  • Titi

pushing Akin Akin subu fall ti that Bode Bode ti push Akin Akin subu fall ko not da good The derivational history of serial verb constructions:

  • V1
  • V1 V2
  • V1 O V2

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Verbal Relative Clauses and Typology

S [V1 O V2]VP

  • Yoruba (Yoruboid: Nigeria)

copying of V, V1 + V2, and VP

  • Wolof (Atlantic: Senegal):

copying of V, V1 + V2

  • Twi (Kwa: Ghana):

copying of V

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The Structure of Serial Verbs

  • Argument Sharing in SVCs mediated by PRO

S NP pro VP V subu

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The Structure of Serial Verbs

  • Argument Sharing in SVCs mediated by PRO
  • Verbs in a series have then the following gross structure:

S NP Jimo VP V ti NP Akin S NP pro VP V subu

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The Structure of Serial Verbs

V ti

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The Structure of Serial Verbs

V’ V ti S NP pro VP V subu

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The Structure of Serial Verbs

vP v ti VP NP Akin V’ V S NP pro VP V subu

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The Structure of Serial Verbs

S NP Jimo vP v ti VP NP Akin V’ V S NP pro VP V subu

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Deriving Opaque Copies

Titi s .ubu ti Bode ti Akin s .ubu

  • [ti s

.ubu] ← copy here! (merge ti and {s .ubu})

  • [Akin [ti s

.ubu]] (merge Akin)

  • [ti [Akin [ s

.ubu]]] (head move ti)

  • [Bode [ti [Akin [ s

.ubu]]]] (merge Bode)

  • [ti [Bode [ti [Akin [ s

.ubu]]]]] (merge ti)

  • [[ti s

.ubu] [ti [Bode [ti [Akin [ s .ubu]]]]]] (merge copy of ti s .ubu)

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Deriving Opaque Copies II

Rira ti Olu ra adie .

  • [rà] ← copy here!
  • [rà adie

.] (merge ra and {adie .})

  • [ra adie

.] (tone change rule)

  • [Olu [ra adie

.]] (merge Olu)

  • [ti [Olu [ra adie

.]]] (merge ti)

  • [rà [ti [Olu [ra adie

.]]]] (merge copy of ra)

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