Disability Benefit Growth and Disability Reform in the USA: Lessons - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

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Disability Benefit Growth and Disability Reform in the USA: Lessons - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

Disability Benefit Growth and Disability Reform in the USA: Lessons from Other OECD Countries Financial Literacy Seminar Series, December 5, 2013 Richard V. Burkhauser, Mary C. Daly, Duncan McVicar, and Roger Wilkins This American Life: Voices


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Disability Benefit Growth and Disability Reform in the USA: Lessons from Other OECD Countries

Financial Literacy Seminar Series, December 5, 2013

Richard V. Burkhauser, Mary C. Daly, Duncan McVicar, and Roger Wilkins

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  • Poor mothers concerned that if their child succeeds in

school they will lose their welfare (SSI-kids) benefits.

  • SSI children who seem able to learn.
  • Firms specializing in placing TANF populations on

SSI providing these services to States.

  • Unemployed workers who could work if jobs were

available but instead apply and get DI/SSI

  • Lawyers who provide their services to DI/SSI

applicants contingent on success.

  • Insurance firms helping their beneficiaries get onto DI

rather than return to work. (NY Times)

This American Life: Voices of the People March 2013

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Motivation for the book

U.S. Disability Policy: goals and outcomes

  • Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990: people with

disabilities can and will work if given the opportunity

  • Reality: An increasing share of working-age people

with disabilities are on SSDI/SSI and not working

What happened?

  • SSDI and SSI policy mission creep—Increasingly

becoming expanded unemployment and more general welfare programs discouraging work.

Change is possible

  • Policy induced outcome so policy induced changes

—U.S. welfare (TANF) and Dutch disability reforms

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Can people with disability work?

  • ADA vision: Impairments/work limitations matter
  • Social environment also matters (accommodation,

rehabilitation, public policy)

  • Return to work most likely following impairment
  • SSDI payroll taxes discourage firms from

investing in return to work and the easing of eligibility standards encourage applications for benefits and reduce work for those accepted.

  • SSI discourages States from investing in return to

work for poor single mothers and the movement into work of their children with disabilities once they age out of the SSI-children program

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Employment Down, Benefits Up

Employment and Benefit Receipt (Aged 25-61)

Year Work limitation prevalence Employed Last Week SSDI/SSI receipt

1981 1990 2010 7.9 % 7.4 % 7.8 % 26.1% 30.4% 22.6% 34.4% 35.1% 51.4% 2012 8.6 % 15.1% 51.6%

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Hard to Determine SSDI Eligibility

  • 23 percent of initial applicants are marginal

entrants

  • SSDI acceptance causes a 21 percentage point

reduction in their employment relative to an SSDI rejected control group

  • Marginal treatment effects vary:
  • - least severely impaired (60 percentage point

reduction)

  • - most severely impaired (10 percentage point

reduction) Maestes, Mullen, and Strand (2013) AER

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Rapid Growth in Disability Rolls

1 2 3 4 5 6 1974 1980 1986 1992 1998 2004 2010 1996 Welfare Reform Percentage of Age SSDI-Disabled Workers SSI-Disabled Adults SSI-Disabled Children

Source: Social Security Administration

Benefit Rolls Over Time

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Rise in poor children on SSI-Child

10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 1974 1979 1984 1989 1994 1999 2004 2009

Caseloads per Thousand

Per Thousand Children Per Thousand Low-Income Children 1996 Welfare Reform Below 200% FPL Below 150% FPL Below 125% FPL Below 100% FPL

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What has been happening to the economic welfare of people with disabilities?

A look at the data

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Disability rolls up, TANF rolls down

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1974 1977 1980 1983 1986 1989 1992 1995 1998 2001 2004 2007 2010

Source: Authors' calculations using March CPSdata

SSDI, SSI-disabled adults, and AFDC/TANF benefit roll populations

Millions AFDC/TANF families SSDI SSI-disabled adults 1996 Welfare Reform

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Employment rates down

10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 1974 1979 1984 1989 1994 1999 2004 2009 Percent All Working-Age Persons Single Mothers Men with Disabilities Women with Disabilities

Source: Authors' calculations using March CPS data

Employment Rates of Working-Age Populations

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Post-welfare reform income path

70 80 90 100 110 120 130 140 150 1975 1978 1981 1984 1987 1990 1993 1996 1999 2002 2005 2008

Source: Authors' calculations using March CPS data

Changes in Income of the Median Vulnerable Working-age Person

Income(1982=100) All Working-age Persons Single Mothers Men with Disabilities Women with Disabilities

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  • Vast majority of SSDI program growth caused by

factors unrelated to policy

  • Hence no need to make changes in program

policies except a one-time fix to cover current projected liabilities (SSA Office of the Actuary)

Fundamental Criticism of Book and of all economic analyses of SSDI

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Daly, Lucking and Schwabish (2013) focus on what has been happening to prevalence rate (beneficiaries per working- age population)

What has driven program growth?

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  • Exogenous to DI Program Factors

Aging of the population (Baby boomers) Change in Social Security Retirement Age Women’s labor force growth sufficient to gain SSDI coverage Prevalence catch-up

What has driven program growth?

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  • Compare growth in prevalence rates between

1980-2012 and growth in a counterfactual world holding these factors at their 1980 levels

  • Determine the degree that these factors are

accounting for program growth and how much remains to be accounted for by other factors

Shift-Share Analysis

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Program Growth Can Primarily Be Accounted for by:

  • Increase in the population
  • Change in the Age Distribution (aging work force)
  • Change in the “Exposure Rate” (growth in

women’s coverage)

  • Result is a slow but steady increase in the number
  • f beneficiaries
  • Prevalence Rate only accounts for at most 15% of

this growth in beneficiaries

  • Predict future program growth primarily based on

population, age distribution, and exposure rate

Office of the Actuary Story

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  • 2010 Office of Actuary growth forecast:
  • SSDI caseloads: 9.5 Million
  • SSDI expenditures: $157 Billion
  • Average population-adjusted growth

(1990-2010):

  • SSDI caseload: 11.3 Million (19.0%)
  • SSDI expenditures: $187 Billion (19.0%)

Size and Cost of SSDI in 2019

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What will happen?

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Is this level of SSDI prevalence rate growth a satisfactory outcome? Depends on the factors driving it:

Health-driven disability epidemic

  • r

Policy-driven disability epidemic

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Health status: relatively constant

Percentage of U.S. Residents Reporting Fair or Poor Health, by Age Group, over Time

5 10 15 20 25 1996 1999 2002 2005 2008 2011

Percent

55-61 45-54 All ages 25-61 25-44

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Work limitations: relatively constant

Percentage of U.S. Residents Reporting a Work Limitation, by Age Group, over Time

5 10 15 20 1981 1984 1987 1990 1993 1996 1999 2002 2005 2008 2011

Percent

25-44 55-61 45-54 All Ages 25-61

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Applications: moving with economy

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What’s Been Happening in Other Countries

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Disability Benefit Growth and Disability Reform in the USA: Lessons from Other OECD Countries

Richard V. Burkhauser, Mary C. Daly, Duncan McVicar, and Roger Wilkins

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Not Controlling for Exogenous Factors

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2 4 6 8 10 12 1970 1974 1978 1982 1986 1990 1994 1998 2002 2006 2010

Australia Britain Netherlands Sweden United States

Disability Recipiency Rates in Australia, Britain, the Netherlands, Sweden and the United States (enrollees/working-age population)

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50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 1970 1974 1978 1982 1986 1990 1994 1998 2002 2006 2010

Australia Great Britain Netherlands Sweden United States

1970 used as base year

Normalized unadjusted growth in recipiency rates

Percentage

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Controlling for Exogenous Factors

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9.09 17.87 16.46 43.81

10 20 30 40 50 Increase in retirement age Population Aging Women's expanded coverage Residual

Sources of disability receipt growth , 1980-2011

Percent

29.23

Drivers of SSDI Growth Daly, Lucking, and Schwabish (2013)

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10 20 30 40 50 60 70 Increase in retirement age Population Aging Women's expanded coverage Residual

Source: Social Security Administration, Bureau of Labor Statistics and Census Bureau

1970-2011

Sources of Disability Receipt Growth

Percent

6.25 6.89 20.69 66.18

12.4 8.21 Recipiency Catch-Up SSDI Eligibility

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0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5 4 4.5 1970 1974 1978 1982 1986 1990 1994 1998 2002 2006 2010

United States - DI Recipients per 100 Working Age

Actual Adjusted

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50 100 150 200 250 300 350 1970 1974 1978 1982 1986 1990 1994 1998 2002 2006 2010

Australia Great Britain Sweden United States Netherlands

1970 used as base year

Normalized adjusted growth in recipiency rates

Percentage

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Is this a satisfactory outcome?

Depends on the factors driving growth:

Health-driven disability epidemic and cure

  • r

Policy-driven disability epidemic and cure

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70 75 80 85 90 95 1980 1983 1986 1989 1992 1995 1998 2001 2004 2007 2010

Australia Britain Netherlands Sweden

Percentage of population reporting good health, all ages

Perceived health status across countries

Percent

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Tier 1 Social Minimum Welfare

  • Broad eligibility but relatively low benefits

Tier 2 Social Insurance for temp. loss of work

  • Narrower eligibility with higher benefits but with

carrot and stick policies to encourage work Tier 3 Categorical Social Insurance (Old-Age, DI)

  • Only for those not working and not expected to

work, highest benefits (penalties for working)

Framework for considering how disability policies affect behavior across countries

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Disability is a mutable category ADA revolutionary idea: social environment matters. Rolls increase:

  • The greater Tier 3 benefits relative to other benefits
  • The more difficult to determine eligibility objectively
  • The less directly employers bear the costs of their workers

going onto the rolls

  • The less integrated work and cash transfer gatekeeper

decisions are in the government-run system

  • The longer after onset are pro-employment treatments
  • The worse are macroeconomic conditions

When and Why Policy Matters

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  • Changes in rules for all Tier programs
  • Changes in administrative enforcement
  • Changes in economic conditions

Unexplained Program Growth?

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  • Lower after-tax replacement rates
  • Tightened eligibility criteria
  • Mandated employers provide first two years
  • f temporary benefits and experience-rated

long-term government-provided benefits

Dutch Reforms

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  • Lower after-tax replacement rates
  • Tightened eligibility criteria
  • Better integrated gatekeeper decision-making for

work and cash transfers by combining their sickness and long-term disability systems ensuring earlier work-based interventions

Swedish Reforms

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Trends suggest policy driven

Evidence of policy influence

  • Variation in state allowance rates (Wall Street Journal)
  • Private employers/insurance agents assisting their

disabled workers onto the SSDI rolls (New York Times)

  • States assisting single mothers with disabled children
  • nto the SSI rolls (Boston Globe) (NPR)
  • SSDI/SSI awards to mental & musculoskeletal growing
  • Growing number meeting lower vocational criteria
  • Growing number only qualifying at the ALJ stage
  • Maestes, Mullen, and Strand (AER 2013): 23% by

chance.

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Fundamental SSDI Reforms Necessary

  • SSDI was intended as a “last resort” income transfer program

that is increasingly being used as a long-term unemployment program for people who could work (23 percent of new beneficiaries are there by chance)

  • Bend the cost curve of SSDI by experience rating SSDI payroll

taxes (based on Dutch experience this will significantly increase accommodation and rehabilitation of workers and slow their movement onto the long-term SSDI rolls).

  • By linking employer premiums (taxes) more directly to actual

firm/worker outcomes, it rewards firms with lower than average use of SSDI and punishes firms with higher than average use

  • f SSDI.
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Fundamental SSI Reforms Necessary

  • SSI is primarily a welfare program
  • Little difference between poor single mother TANF population

and poor primarily single mother with disabled children population

  • Use experience of TANF pro-work reforms to reform SSI
  • Unify welfare policy at the state level and end state cost

shifting of poor with disabilities to the federal government by devolving SSI to the states with appropriate safeguards and focus on returning able-bodied parents to work and providing necessary accommodations for disabled children

  • Allow states and other agents to experiment and innovate as

in pre-welfare reform trials—disabled workers earnings tax credit, childcare, etc.