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Degree and Quantity: Semantics and Conceptual Representation
Stephanie Solt (ZAS Berlin)
Referen5al Seman5cs One Step Further ESSLLI 2016 24 August 2016
Degree and Quantity: Semantics and Conceptual Representation - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation
Degree and Quantity: Semantics and Conceptual Representation Stephanie Solt (ZAS Berlin) Referen5al Seman5cs One Step Further ESSLLI 2016 24 August 2016 1 The semantics of degree Reference to / comparison of degrees: Anna is 1,65 m tall.
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Stephanie Solt (ZAS Berlin)
Referen5al Seman5cs One Step Further ESSLLI 2016 24 August 2016
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Anna is 1,65 m tall. Zoe isn’t that tall. Anna is taller than Zoe.
(Bartsch & Venemann 1973; Cresswell 1977; Bierwisch 1989; Kennedy 1997; Heim 2000; among many others)
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enriched and strengthened by incorpora5ng findings on the mental representa5on of quan5ty and degree
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an5symmetry
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For any dis5nct d, d’, either d ≻ d’ or d’ ≻ d
respect to some dimension cons5tutes a scale”
among many others
real numbers ordered by ≥
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Characterized by tolerance rather than total ordering.
to ra5o-dependent threshold, the ‘just no5ceable difference’ JND (Gescheider 2015)
be intransi5ve (Luce 1956)
coun5ng, performance characterized by size and distance effects that can be described by Weber’s law
(Dehaene 1997; Feigenson et al. 2004; a.o.)
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Approximate Number System: Non-species-specific capacity to represent and manipulate approximate quan5ty
con5nuous mental number line ‘mental magnitudes with scalar variability’
to their magnitude
TRENDS in Cognitive Sciences
Mental activation Linear model with scalar variability 1 1 5 10 10 5 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 2 4 6 810 12 Logarithmic model with fixed variability (a) (b)
Feigenson et al. 2004
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What would happen extend the degree-seman5c framework to allow scales based on models of the ANS? Tolerant ordering: d1 ~ d2 and d2 ~ d3 but d1 ≻ d3
Anna is tall compared to Zoe. μHEIGHT(Anna) ≻tolerant μHEIGHT(Zoe) Most of the marbles are blue. μ#(blue marbles) ≻tolerant μ#(non-blue marbles)
(about 50) linguists
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Degrees as… ... intervals? … probability distribu5ons over precise points? Ordering rela5on ≻ as … ... semiorder (Luce 1956)? … probabilis5c func5on? Ø Ra5o dependence problema5c to axioma5ze
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scales as part of the ontology for dimensions such as cardinality and height with corresponding measurement
as beauty? “Must we assume the kalon as a degree of beauty or the andron as a degree of manliness? Degrees of beauty may be all right for the purposes of illustra5on but may seem objec5onable in hard-core metaphysics” (Creswell 1977, p. 281)
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(Cresswell 1977; Bale 2008, Lassiter 2011)
E.g. ‘is at least as tall as’ or ‘is at least as beauOful as’
a≈b iff for all c: aRc iff bRc and cRa iff cRb
ā={x : x≈a}
Ø This is an ordinal scale! (Stevens 1946)
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Speakers behave as if scales underlying non-measurable gradable expressions is stronger than ordinal level:
Anna is much taller/older/heavier than Zoe. Anna is much happier/more beau5ful/more talented than Zoe.
Anna is twice as tall/old/heavy as Zoe. ??Anna is twice as short/young/light as Zoe. Anna is twice as happy/beau5ful/talented as Zoe. Ø Sassoon 2009: happy etc., like tall etc., lexicalize ra5o scales.
Anna is 3.1 5mes as tall/old/heavy as Zoe. ??Anna is 3.1 5mes as happy/beau5ful/talented as Zoe.
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Work in psychophysics and related fields has shown that a broad range of percep5ons and axtudes can be measured at the interval or ra1o level
Percep1on: loudness, brightness, taste (salt, sugar), smell (e.g. coffee), pressure, temperature (Stevens 1957) Pain (Price et al. 1983) Unpleasantness of sounds (Ellermeier et al. 2004) Scenic beauty (Daniel et al. 1977, Ribe 1988) Facial a;rac1veness (Kissler & Bäuml 2000)
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scale derived via the equivalence-class procedure is not consistent with
meaningful
ra5o comparisons
metaphor here as well
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Close rela5on in cogni5on between quan1ty and measure and space:
codes (Dehaene et al. 1993)
(Núñez & Cooperrider 2013)
representa5on of space, number, 5me and other magnitudes (Bue5 & Walsh 2009)
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Using the language of space to talk about… …number and measure
high ground / high number / high price The dog is under the table / The lamp hangs over the table John found over / under 50 typos in the manuscript For children with body weight over 20 kg… The temperature rose
…5me
Jan stond voor zijn huis ‘Jan stood in front of his house’ voor 11 uur ‘before 11 o’clock’ Move the meeOng forward / push the meeOng back The winter is fast approaching
Corver & Zwarts 2006; Núñez & Cooperrider 2013; Nouwen 2016; among many others
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spa5al metaphors Ø Argues against equa5ng mental representa5ons and seman5c scales (Nouwen 2016)
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namely fixed 0 point (the ground)
The scalar metaphor condi1on: expressions that func5on on a scale S can only be metaphorically used on a scale Sʹ if S is at least as high a level of measurement as Sʹ, where the relevant hierarchy
Ø Correctly predicts possibility of horizontal metaphors for interval/ordinal scales, par5cularly clock 5me (though not temperature)
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Number/measure ozen communicated approximately: It’s a quarter a^er four.
A third of Americans (34%) read the bible daily.
Ø Preference for values that can be easily visualized?
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Beck, Sigrid. 2011. Comparison construc5ons. In Seman5cs: An interna5onal handbook of natural language meaning,
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