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Adapting the Dynamic Model to historical linguistics Case studies on the Middle English and Anglo-Norman contact situation Michael Percillier 1 ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018 1 Introduction NB: Handout available at

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Michael Percillier

Adapting the Dynamic Model to historical linguistics

Case studies on the Middle English and Anglo-Norman contact situation

ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018 1

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Michael Percillier

1 Introduction

2 ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018

NB: Handout available at https://tinyurl.com/percillier-ICEHL20-handout

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Context & Aims

  • Context: BASICS research project (https://tinyurl.com/

dfgbasics)

  • Aims: Test whether Schneider’s Dynamic Model of

Postcolonial English can be applied to the contact situation between Anglo-Norman (AN) and Middle English (ME)

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2 The Dynamic Model

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Origins

  • The Dynamic Model (Schneider 2003; Schneider 2007)

addresses the hitherto static categorisations of varieties of English around the world, such as the ENL-ESL-EFL Model and the Three Circles Model (Kachru 1985).

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Variety type Examples ENL-ESL-EFL Three Circles Ancestral English BrE, AmE, NZE Native L. Inner C. Postcolonial English NigE, SgE, MalE Second L. Outer C.

  • E. as a lingua franca

Sweden, Japan Foreign L. Expanding C. Table 1: Static models of varieties of English

Michael Percillier ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018

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Central concept 1: STL & IDG strands

  • Postcolonial varieties develops from a contact situation

involving a colonizer (here English) STL (settler) strand and a colonized IDG (indigenous) strand

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Central concept 2: Stages of development

  • A postcolonial variety may undergo up to 5 stages of

development: 1.Foundation 2.Exonormative stabilization 3.Nativization 4.Endonormative stabilization 5.Differentiation

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Nativization (i)

  • The nativization stage is further modeled (Van Rooy

2011:204; Percillier 2016:179–183): linguistic features from STL and IDG enter a common feature pool (Mufwene 2001:4–6), from which they can be selected or rejected by the speech community.

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Nativization (ii)

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Figure 1: Illustration of feature (range) selection in the nativization process, summarised from Percillier (2016:180–181)

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3 Adapting the Dynamic Model

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Anglo-Norman in the Dynamic Model (i)

1.Foundation: The Norman Conquest (1066), followed by the installation of the Norman nobility as the new ruling class. 2.Exonormative stabilization: Norman rule is secured, and AN accepts continental Old French (cOF) as its norm. 3.Nativization: Features typical of AN as spoken by native speakers of ME begin to be used by descendants of Norman invaders.

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Anglo-Norman in the Dynamic Model (ii)

4.Endonormative stabilization:

  • Ethnic distinction between Norman and English

inhabitants becomes blurred (Short 1980).

  • “Event X” may apply to the loss of Normandy (1204) or

the Black Death (1348-1349).

  • AN is no longer modeled after cOF and dies as a native

speaker variety shortly thereafter (Ingham 2012b, ix). Instead, it serves intranational purposes for a variety of text types (Rothwell 2001; Trotter 2003; Ingham 2012a).

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Anglo-Norman in the Dynamic Model (iii)

  • Descriptions of later AN as bad French (e.g. Lambley

1920:25) may reflect the norm-developing character of AN as a nativized variety undergoing endonormative stabilization.

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Middle English in the Dynamic Model

  • English is the IDG strand language, which places it outside

the scope of the Dynamic Model.

  • Can similar phases of development as described for the STL

strand language also apply to the IDG language?

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4 Case studies

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Anglo-Norman verbal prefixes in Middle English (i)

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M1 M2 M3 M4 French Non−French French Non−French French Non−French French Non−French 20 40 60 80

Origin Normalised per 100,000 words Prefix

a en es

Figure 2: Normalised frequencies of prefixed verbs

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Anglo-Norman verbal prefixes in Middle English (ii)

  • Only en- combines with native bases.

(1) and nou he haþ en-heyed myn heued vp alle myn enemis. [PPCME2, CMEARLPS,29.1225] “and now he has raised/ honoured my head (= made me eminent/powerful) above all my enemies”

  • Besides the formations found in the PPCME2, further derivations of

non-French verbs are attested in the OED, such as enanger, encleanse, encurse, endry, engold, enhang, enlusty, ensilver, enripe, enscore, enwed, enwrong. The fact that most of these examples appear to be nonce formations supports the idea of a productive en- prefix.

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Anglo-Norman verbal prefixes in Middle English (iii)

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Figure 3: Illustration of the possible nativization process of verbal prefixes in AN and ME

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Prepositional Secondary Predicate Constructions (i)

  • Prepositional Secondary Predicate Constructions (PREP-

SPCs) changed drastically in the ME period, from the to-SPC as the dominant variant in OE (Visser 2002:586–595; Mitchell 1985:451) and early ME, to a more evenly distributed constellation thereafter (Figure 4).

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Prepositional Secondary Predicate Constructions (ii)

(2) And þat lond he chees before all oþ londes as the beste & most worthi lond [PPCME2, CMMANDEV,1.6] “and that land he chose before all

  • ther lands as the best and worthiest land”

(3) Þe ich halde, healent, ba for feader & for freond [c1225(?c1200) St.Marg.(1) (Bod 34) 18/36] “I regard you, Saviour, both as a father and as a friend” (MED, McSparran et al. 2001, “for (prep.)”) (4) and anoyntide Dauith in to king of Israel [PPCME2, CMPURVEY,I,10.350] “and [all Israel gathered in Hebron] anointed David as king of Israel” (5) Hēr man hālgode Ælfēhg tō arcebiscope [Chr. 1006; Erl. 138, 2 : 1050] “In this year Ælfheah was consecrated archbishop”(BTASD)(Bosworth et

  • al. 2010, “hálgian”)

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Prepositional Secondary Predicate Constructions (iii)

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Figure 4: PREP-SPCs per ME sub-period

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Prepositional Secondary Predicate Constructions (iv)

  • AN featured a set of PREP-SPCs that exhibits parallels to English PREP-SPCs:

(6) Lur pere espirital jugent comme bricun Que li reis le presist e mesist en prisun (AND, [Becket 1864], Trotter 2006, “juger”) “Their spiritual fathers judge it as foolish that the king praised him and put him in jail” (7) L’abés surrist e les blasmat, E pur molt fols les aesmat (AND, [S Brend MUP 1050])(Trotter 2006, “asmer”) “The abbot smiled and blamed them, and considered them as very mad” (8) iloc par sa requeste fu l’eawe tornee en vin (AND, [Ancren2 186.20])(Trotter 2006, “turner[2]”) “there the water was turned into wine at his request” (9) Vous pernez a trop legier ceo qe me costa mout cher (AND, [BOZ Cont 99]) (Trotter 2006, “prendre[1]”) “You consider as too minor what cost me very dear”

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Prepositional Secondary Predicate Constructions (v)

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Figure 5: Hierarchical clustering of a distributional semantic model of PREP-SPCs in M3 and M4

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  • f-Objects (i)
  • Causative and partitive objects were marked with genitive

in OE, then increasingly by of-phrases in ME (Visser 2002:355–366).

  • The possibility of French verbs taking de influencing this

development has been raised (Mustanoja 1960:397–399; Visser 2002:360–361), but not investigated further.

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  • f-Objects (ii)

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Figure 6: Type of of-objects per ME sub-period (preliminary)

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  • f-Objects (iii)
  • of-objects first appear with verbs of asking in M3 with the

French-based verb preien (10), then in M4 also with the native verb bisechen (11). (10) and preyde hym of paciense [PPCME2, CMWYCSER, 309.1472] “and asked him for patience” (11) and besought of mercy and grace [PPCME2, CMEDMUND,169.197] “and asked for mercy and grace”

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  • f-Objects (iv)
  • A similar point can be made for the verbs of stopping cesen (12, French-based),

leven (13, native), and stinten (14, native), although in this case both patterns first appear in M3. (12) And, yyf þu wylt Lord, þat I sese of wepyng, I prey þe take me owt of þis

  • world. [PPCME2, CMKEMPE,142.3284] “And Lord, if you want me stop

weeping, I ask you to take me out of this world” (13) but Charloman, after þe fourþe yere of his principate, left of þe principate of þe kynges hous by counseile of his broþer [PPCME2, CMPOLYCH,VI,233.1684] “but Charlemagne, after the fourth year of his rulership, ended his leadership

  • f the king’s house by counsel of his brother”

(14) Prudence, his wyf, as ferforth as she dorste, bisoghte hym of his wepyng for to stynte [PPCME2, CMCTMELI,217.C1b.10] “Prudence, his wife, asked him to stop his weeping as well as she could”

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  • f-Objects (v)

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Figure 7: OED citation dates for patterns competing with of-objects for select synonymous French-based/native verbs

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5 Conclusion and outlook

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Conclusion

  • The application of the Dynamic Model has the potential to

explain the emergence of a local and independent variety of French, as well structural innovations in ME.

  • Further, the model can explain why certain features may

become nativized and productive, whereas others are not copied at all, or are only temporarily productive.

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Outlook

  • More features should be investigated (e.g. plesen (to) and

liken/quemen (to))

  • Investigate developments into the eModE period
  • Investigate the properties of features in cOF and AN

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Thank you very much for your attention!

  • Comments?
  • Questions?
  • Suggestions?

32 Michael Percillier ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018

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References (i)

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  • Bosworth, Joseph, Thomas Northcote Toller, Sean Christ & Ondřej Tichý. 2010. Bosworth-Toller Anglo-Saxon
  • Dictionary. Prague: Faculty of Arts, Charles University. http://www.bosworthtoller.com/.
  • Ingham, Richard. 2012a. Middle english and Anglo-Norman in contact. Bulletin de l’Association des Médiévistes

Angliscistes de l’Enseignement Supérieur 81. 1–23.

  • Ingham, Richard. 2012b. The Transmission of Anglo-Norman: Language history and language acquisition. (Language

Faculty and Beyond 9). Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company. doi:10.1075/lfab.9 (30 September, 2017).

  • Kachru, Braj B. 1985. Standards, codification and sociolinguistic realism: The English language in the outer circle. In

Randolph Quirk & H. G. Widdowson (eds.), English in the World: Teaching and Learning the Language and Literatures, 11–30. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; The British Council.

  • Lambley, Kathleen. 1920. The Teaching and Cultivation of the French Language in England during Tudor and Stuart
  • Times. Manchester: University of Manchester Press.
  • McSparran, Frances, Paul Schaffner, John Latta, Alan Pagliere, Christina Powell & Matt Stoeffler. 2001. Middle

English Dictionary. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan. https://quod.lib.umich.edu/m/med/.

  • Mitchell, Bruce. 1985. Old English Syntax. Oxford: Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/

9780198119357.001.0001.

  • Mufwene, Salikoko S. 2001. The Ecology of Language Evolution. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:

10.1017/CBO9780511612862.

  • Mustanoja, Tauno. 1960. A Middle English Syntax, Part I: Parts of Speech. Helsinki: Société néophilologique.
  • Percillier, Michael. 2016. World Englishes and Second Language Acquisition: Insights from Southeast Asian
  • Englishes. (Varieties of English Around the World G58). Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company. doi:

10.1075/veaw.g58.

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References (ii)

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  • Rothwell, William. 2001. English and French in England after 1362. English Studies 82(6). 539–559.

doi:10.1076/enst.82.6.539.9550.

  • Schneider, Edgar W. 2003. The Dynamics of New Englishes: From Identity Construction to Dialect
  • Birth. Language 79(2). 233–281. doi:10.1353/lan.2003.0136.
  • Schneider, Edgar W. 2007. Postcolonial English: Varieties around the world. Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511618901.

  • Short, Ian. 1980. Bilingualism in Anglo-Norman England. Romance Philology 33. 467–479.
  • Trotter, David. 2003. Not as eccentric as it looks: Anglo-French and French French. Forum for

Modern Language Studies 39(427-438).

  • Trotter, David. 2006. Anglo-Norman Dictionary 2 Online edition. London: Modern Humanities

Research Association. http://www.anglo-norman.net.

  • Van Rooy, Bertus. 2011. A principled distinction between error and conventionalized innovation in

African Englishes. In Joybrato Mukherjee & Marianne Hundt (eds.), Exploring Second-Language Varieties of English and Learner Englishes: Bridging a paradigm gap, 189–208. (Studies in Corpus Linguistics 44). Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company. doi:10.1075/scl.44.10roo.

  • Visser, Fredericus Th. 2002. An historical syntax of the English language. 4th ed. Leiden: Brill.