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A micro-perspective on variation and universals Jeroen van - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

A micro-perspective on variation and universals Jeroen van Craenenbroeck 1 Marjo van Koppen 2 1 CRISSP/KU Leuven, jeroen.vancraenenbroeck@kuleuven.be 2 UiL-OTS/Utrecht University, j.m.vankoppen@uu.nl . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .


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A micro-perspective on variation and universals

Jeroen van Craenenbroeck 1 Marjo van Koppen 2

1CRISSP/KU Leuven, jeroen.vancraenenbroeck@kuleuven.be 2UiL-OTS/Utrecht University, j.m.vankoppen@uu.nl

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Outline

Why microvariation? Methodology Micro versus macro Exceptions and imperfect correlations

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SLIDE 3

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Why microvariation?

▶ it makes empirical sense: a treasure trove of new data

phenomena absent from standard language variations on phenomena present in standard language limits on variation

it makes theoretical sense: approaches an idealized experimental setting (cf. Kayne (1996)) it works: robust patterns and systematic correlations

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SLIDE 4

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Why microvariation?

▶ it makes empirical sense: a treasure trove of new data

▶ phenomena absent from standard language

variations on phenomena present in standard language limits on variation

it makes theoretical sense: approaches an idealized experimental setting (cf. Kayne (1996)) it works: robust patterns and systematic correlations

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SLIDE 5

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Why microvariation?

▶ it makes empirical sense: a treasure trove of new data

▶ phenomena absent from standard language ▶ variations on phenomena present in standard language

limits on variation

it makes theoretical sense: approaches an idealized experimental setting (cf. Kayne (1996)) it works: robust patterns and systematic correlations

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SLIDE 6

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Why microvariation?

▶ it makes empirical sense: a treasure trove of new data

▶ phenomena absent from standard language ▶ variations on phenomena present in standard language ▶ limits on variation

it makes theoretical sense: approaches an idealized experimental setting (cf. Kayne (1996)) it works: robust patterns and systematic correlations

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SLIDE 7

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Why microvariation?

▶ it makes empirical sense: a treasure trove of new data

▶ phenomena absent from standard language ▶ variations on phenomena present in standard language ▶ limits on variation

▶ it makes theoretical sense: approaches an idealized

experimental setting (cf. Kayne (1996)) it works: robust patterns and systematic correlations

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SLIDE 8

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Why microvariation?

▶ it makes empirical sense: a treasure trove of new data

▶ phenomena absent from standard language ▶ variations on phenomena present in standard language ▶ limits on variation

▶ it makes theoretical sense: approaches an idealized

experimental setting (cf. Kayne (1996))

▶ it works: robust patterns and systematic correlations

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SLIDE 9

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Why microvariation?

▶ phenomena absent from standard language

(1) da that ze they zaaile they lachen. laugh ‘that they are laughing.’ (Wambeek) variations on phenomena present in standard language (2) T it en

  • goa

goes niemand no.one nie not dansn. dance ‘There will be no dancing.’ (Brugge) limits on variation (3) *da that zaaile they ze they lachen. laugh : ‘that they are laughing.’ (Wambeek)

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Why microvariation?

▶ phenomena absent from standard language

(1) da that ze they zaaile they lachen. laugh ‘that they are laughing.’ (Wambeek) variations on phenomena present in standard language (2) T it en

  • goa

goes niemand no.one nie not dansn. dance ‘There will be no dancing.’ (Brugge) limits on variation (3) *da that zaaile they ze they lachen. laugh : ‘that they are laughing.’ (Wambeek)

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Why microvariation?

▶ phenomena absent from standard language

(1) da that ze they zaaile they lachen. laugh ‘that they are laughing.’ (Wambeek)

▶ variations on phenomena present in standard language

(2) T it en

  • goa

goes niemand no.one nie not dansn. dance ‘There will be no dancing.’ (Brugge) limits on variation (3) *da that zaaile they ze they lachen. laugh : ‘that they are laughing.’ (Wambeek)

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Why microvariation?

▶ phenomena absent from standard language

(1) da that ze they zaaile they lachen. laugh ‘that they are laughing.’ (Wambeek)

▶ variations on phenomena present in standard language

(2) T it en

  • goa

goes niemand no.one nie not dansn. dance ‘There will be no dancing.’ (Brugge) limits on variation (3) *da that zaaile they ze they lachen. laugh : ‘that they are laughing.’ (Wambeek)

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Why microvariation?

▶ phenomena absent from standard language

(1) da that ze they zaaile they lachen. laugh ‘that they are laughing.’ (Wambeek)

▶ variations on phenomena present in standard language

(2) T it en

  • goa

goes niemand no.one nie not dansn. dance ‘There will be no dancing.’ (Brugge)

▶ limits on variation

(3) *da that zaaile they ze they lachen. laugh : ‘that they are laughing.’ (Wambeek)

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SLIDE 14

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Why microvariation?

▶ phenomena absent from standard language

(1) da that ze they zaaile they lachen. laugh ‘that they are laughing.’ (Wambeek)

▶ variations on phenomena present in standard language

(2) T it en

  • goa

goes niemand no.one nie not dansn. dance ‘There will be no dancing.’ (Brugge)

▶ limits on variation

(3) *da that zaaile they ze they lachen. laugh : ‘that they are laughing.’ (Wambeek)

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SLIDE 15

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Why microvariation?

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Why microvariation?

+AC + C – C +split D East & West Flanders Nieuwmoer, Sint Lenaarts, Moerdijk (N=59) (N=3) –split D Opglabbeek, Sliedrecht, Hoek Holland, Limburg, Friesland, Groningen (N=3) (N=83) –AC + C – C +split D Flemish Brabant & Antwerp North Brabant (N=23) (N=21) –split D Borgloon Drenthe, Utrecht (N=1) (N=67)

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Outline

Why microvariation? Methodology Micro versus macro Exceptions and imperfect correlations

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. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Methodology

▶ traditional generative methodology ill-suited for large datasets

with lots of variation

  • ur approach: a combination of quantitative and qualitative

analysis

quantitative: exploratory statistical methods to discern patterns in the data qualitative: interpreting those patterns in terms of morphosyntactic parameters

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. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Methodology

▶ traditional generative methodology ill-suited for large datasets

with lots of variation

▶ our approach: a combination of quantitative and qualitative

analysis

quantitative: exploratory statistical methods to discern patterns in the data qualitative: interpreting those patterns in terms of morphosyntactic parameters

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SLIDE 20

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Methodology

▶ traditional generative methodology ill-suited for large datasets

with lots of variation

▶ our approach: a combination of quantitative and qualitative

analysis

▶ quantitative: exploratory statistical methods to discern patterns

in the data qualitative: interpreting those patterns in terms of morphosyntactic parameters

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SLIDE 21

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Methodology

▶ traditional generative methodology ill-suited for large datasets

with lots of variation

▶ our approach: a combination of quantitative and qualitative

analysis

▶ quantitative: exploratory statistical methods to discern patterns

in the data

▶ qualitative: interpreting those patterns in terms of

morphosyntactic parameters

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. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Methodology

Brugge Hulst Dirksland Ossendrecht Diksmuide … CA 1 1 1 1 … CD 1 1 1 1 … SDR 1 … NEG 1 1 … CYN 1 1 1 … EXPL-T 1 1 … CMPR-IF 1 1 … ER.OBL 1 1 … THE+THAT 1 1 1 … GO-GET 1 1 1 …

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Methodology

Brugge Hulst Dirksland Ossendrecht Diksmuide … CA 1 1 1 1 … CD 1 1 1 1 … SDR 1 … NEG 1 1 … CYN 1 1 1 … EXPL-T 1 1 … CMPR-IF 1 1 … ER.OBL 1 1 … THE+THAT 1 1 1 … GO-GET 1 1 1 …

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Methodology

(4) the AgrC-parameter: C {does/does not} have unvalued

  • features.

(5) the D-parameter: DP {does/does not} have an extended left periphery. (6) the C-parameter CP {does/does not} have an extended left periphery.

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SLIDE 25

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Methodology

(4) the AgrC-parameter: C {does/does not} have unvalued φ-features. (5) the D-parameter: DP {does/does not} have an extended left periphery. (6) the C-parameter CP {does/does not} have an extended left periphery.

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. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Methodology

(4) the AgrC-parameter: C {does/does not} have unvalued φ-features. (5) the D-parameter: DP {does/does not} have an extended left periphery. (6) the C-parameter CP {does/does not} have an extended left periphery.

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SLIDE 27

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Methodology

(4) the AgrC-parameter: C {does/does not} have unvalued φ-features. (5) the D-parameter: DP {does/does not} have an extended left periphery. (6) the C-parameter CP {does/does not} have an extended left periphery.

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SLIDE 28

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Methodology

(4) the AgrC-parameter: C {does/does not} have unvalued φ-features. (5) the D-parameter: DP {does/does not} have an extended left periphery. (6) the C-parameter CP {does/does not} have an extended left periphery.

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SLIDE 29

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Outline

Why microvariation? Methodology Micro versus macro Exceptions and imperfect correlations

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SLIDE 30

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Micro versus macro

▶ hypothesis: there is no categorical difference between

microvariation and macrovariation: the same principles apply but to different atoms two predictions:

macroparametric distinctions are reproduced at a smaller scale in microvariation microvariational differences find their macro-counterpart at a typological level

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SLIDE 31

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Micro versus macro

▶ hypothesis: there is no categorical difference between

microvariation and macrovariation: the same principles apply but to different atoms

▶ two predictions:

macroparametric distinctions are reproduced at a smaller scale in microvariation microvariational differences find their macro-counterpart at a typological level

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SLIDE 32

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Micro versus macro

▶ hypothesis: there is no categorical difference between

microvariation and macrovariation: the same principles apply but to different atoms

▶ two predictions:

▶ macroparametric distinctions are reproduced at a smaller scale

in microvariation microvariational differences find their macro-counterpart at a typological level

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SLIDE 33

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Micro versus macro

▶ hypothesis: there is no categorical difference between

microvariation and macrovariation: the same principles apply but to different atoms

▶ two predictions:

▶ macroparametric distinctions are reproduced at a smaller scale

in microvariation

▶ microvariational differences find their macro-counterpart at a

typological level

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SLIDE 34

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Micro versus macro

(7) the AgrC-parameter: C {does/does not} have unvalued φ-features. (8) Biberauer et al. (2014), Biberauer and Roberts (2015): . Are

  • features

present on probes? . . . Yes Are

  • features

present on ALL probes? . . . No Are

  • features fully

specified on SOME probes? . . . Yes Are

  • features fully

specified on T? . . . No … . . . Yes Consistent null subject . . . No Non-pro-drop . . . Yes Pronominal arguments . . . NO Radical pro-drop

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SLIDE 35

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Micro versus macro

(7) the AgrC-parameter: C {does/does not} have unvalued φ-features. (8) Biberauer et al. (2014), Biberauer and Roberts (2015): . Are φ-features present on probes? . . . Yes Are φ-features present on ALL probes? . . . No Are φ-features fully specified on SOME probes? . . . Yes Are φ-features fully specified on T? . . . No … . . . Yes Consistent null subject . . . No Non-pro-drop . . . Yes Pronominal arguments . . . NO Radical pro-drop

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SLIDE 36

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Micro versus macro

(9) the D-parameter: DP {does/does not} have an extended left periphery. (10) the C-parameter CP {does/does not} have an extended left periphery. (11) . Are A -features subject to Feature Inheritance? . . . Yes Are ALL A -features subject to Feature Inheritance? . . . No Are SOME A -features subject to Feature Inheritance? . . . D . . . v Mixed effects

  • f left-peripheral

richness . . . C . . . Yes Consistently rich left periphery . . . NO Generalized in situ

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SLIDE 37

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Micro versus macro

(9) the D-parameter: DP {does/does not} have an extended left periphery. (10) the C-parameter CP {does/does not} have an extended left periphery. (11) . Are A′-features subject to Feature Inheritance? . . . Yes Are ALL A′-features subject to Feature Inheritance? . . . No Are SOME A′-features subject to Feature Inheritance? . . . D . . . v Mixed effects

  • f left-peripheral

richness . . . C . . . Yes Consistently rich left periphery . . . NO Generalized in situ

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SLIDE 38

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Outline

Why microvariation? Methodology Micro versus macro Exceptions and imperfect correlations

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SLIDE 39

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Exceptions and imperfect correlations

three types of exceptions:

  • 1. historical relics
  • 2. problems with data

elicitation

  • 3. orthogonal grammatical

factors

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SLIDE 40

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Exceptions and imperfect correlations

three types of exceptions:

  • 1. historical relics
  • 2. problems with data

elicitation

  • 3. orthogonal grammatical

factors

slide-41
SLIDE 41

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Exceptions and imperfect correlations

▶ three types of exceptions:

  • 1. historical relics
  • 2. problems with data

elicitation

  • 3. orthogonal grammatical

factors

slide-42
SLIDE 42

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Exceptions and imperfect correlations

▶ three types of exceptions:

  • 1. historical relics
  • 2. problems with data

elicitation

  • 3. orthogonal grammatical

factors

slide-43
SLIDE 43

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Exceptions and imperfect correlations

▶ three types of exceptions:

  • 1. historical relics
  • 2. problems with data

elicitation

  • 3. orthogonal grammatical

factors

slide-44
SLIDE 44

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

Exceptions and imperfect correlations

▶ three types of exceptions:

  • 1. historical relics
  • 2. problems with data

elicitation

  • 3. orthogonal grammatical

factors

slide-45
SLIDE 45

. .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. . . .. .

References

Biberauer, Theresa, and Ian Roberts. 2015. Rethinking formal hierarchies: a proposed unification. Cambridge Occasional Papers in Linguistics 7:1–31. Biberauer, Theresa, Ian Roberts, Michelle Sheehan, and Anders Holmberg. 2014. Complexity in comparative syntax: The view from modern parametric theory. In Measuring grammatical complexity. New York: Oxford University Press. Kayne, Richard. 1996. Microparametric syntax: some introductory remarks. In Microparametric syntax and dialect variation, ed. J.R. Black and Virginia Motapanyane, ix–xviii. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.