28 th International Population Conference of the International Union - - PDF document

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28th International Population Conference of the International Union for the Scientific Study of Population (IUSSP) Cape Town, South Africa, 29 October to 4 November 2017 Old and new dilemmas regarding the balance between work and family in Brazil Maria Coleta de Oliveira – mcoleta@nepo.unicamp.br (Population Studies Center “Elza Bequó”/University of Campinas/Brazil) Glaucia Marcondes – gal@nepo.unicamp.br (Population Studies Center “Elza Bequó”/University of Campinas/Brazil) Introduction Women’s entry and persistence in the workforce are closely related to a broad set of economic, demographic, and cultural transformations that, along with specific regional, class differentiation, color/ethnicity and generational characteristics shape the possibilities and social constraints upon which women build their personal and family life. One of the main characteristic of the systematic increase in the participation of women in the Brazilian workforce over the last four decades has been the diversity of these new entrants. Mostly young, unmarried and childfree, the participation of women in the most advanced stages of life has been increasing continuously, and that also includes women with partners and

• children. As a result, more women now face the challenges of combining paid and out-of-

home work with household and family demands. The new profile of the female labor force has been the subject of study in different parts of the world, and is considered by some authors as part of the gender revolution in progress since the middle of the last century. Instead of searching for jobs that can adapt to the responsibilities of family life, women increasingly invest in jobs seen as part of their life

• projects. Reflecting social transformations, this trend has affected family formation dynamics

and undermined the complementary and asymmetrical ideal model of man as provider/woman as a caregiver. That is compounded by some pre-existing, and now aggravated, conflicts in work-family relations (Frejka, Goldsheider, Lappergârd, 2016; Esping-Andersen and Billari, 2015), something that had already been noted by Peter McDonald (2000), for whom the implications in postmodernity would be a growing gender

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inequality between individual-oriented and family-oriented institutions. Among the former, the labor market and education system in most developed Western countries have evolved to eliminate access barriers for women. The same has not happened in family-oriented institutions, which change at a slow pace, preserving an unequal and asymmetric pattern of division of labor by gender. Thus, even though they are now more educated and are firmly established in the workforce, women have retained a leading role at home, and are responsible for a great deal of household chores and for caring and providing assistance to family members, especially children and seniors. These contradictory forces give rise to a new, yet still unfair system, which can only be solved at a later moment, when the social transformations spur a new stage of the gender revolution, marked by greater male involvement with the household-family life and, therefore, leading to a larger and new “gender equality balance” (Frejka, Goldsheider, Lappergârd, 2016, Esping-Andersen and Billari, 2015). This theme and its questions comprise the subject of this study, with a view to exploring and reflecting on how and to what degree women balance their family and professional lives at this beginning of the 21st century. The persistence and to some extent an accentuation of conventional gender definitions seem to contradict the optimistic perspectives that we have for the 21st century. What factors or characteristics have led to a lesser or greater accentuation of women’s responsibilities and, consequently, of gender inequalities? Data The information comes from the National Sample Household Survey (PNAD)1 from 2001 to 2015, exploring employment and family composition characteristics of the female population ages 16 to 59. This age group allows for a more accurate analysis of the female population most likely to be active and subject to professional and family demands, as well as their conflicts and contradictions. The information used was: employment status and hours worked per week; position at home, reproductive status; spouses and/or children living at home; number of women living at home; and time spent doing household chores. In addition

1 The PNAD is a sample household survey containing socioeconomic information on the population, and carried

• ut annually by IBGE. It has been held since 1967, but it was not until the 1980s that the survey covered all

Brazilian regions.

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to countrywide data, the differences found between metropolitan and non-metropolitan female population were also taken into consideration. Results Brazilian women in the workforce The participation of women in the Brazilian labor market has seen steady growth in the last four decades. Considering the female population aged 10 years and over, the workforce participation rate was 20% in the early 1970s, and reached 50% in the 2000s (BRUSCHINI, 2007; ALVES, CORREA, 2009). If we consider the population subject of this study, i.e., ages 16-59, the participation

• f women remains below that of men throughout the 2000s. However, as shown in Table 1,

there have been some relative increases, especially in metropolitan areas. By assessing the participation of women according to their reproductive status, we find that children continue to be an unfavorable element for women’s participation in the market, especially in metropolitan areas, albeit at a lesser rate than in previous decades. In non-metropolitan areas

• f Brazil, the data suggests that there is not a great difference between the participation rates
• f women with children and those without children. Conversely, in the metropolises, the

differences found between women of different reproductive status are significant, and was reduced by half at the end of the period analyzed.

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Table 1: Participation rate of the population ages 16-59 by sex and female reproductive status. Brazil, Metropolitan Regions, 2001-2015.

Year Men’s participation rate (%) Women’s participation rate (%) Participation rate of women with children (%) Participation rate of women without children (%) Brazil Metro Other Brazil Metro Other Brazil Metro Other Brazil Metro Other 2001 87.3 85.4 88.2 60.8 61.8 60.3 59.7 59.0 60.1 63.4 67.4 61.1 2002 87.5 86.3 88.1 62.6 63.9 61.9 61.5 61.1 61.7 65.0 69.4 62.3 2003 87.3 85.0 88.3 62.9 63.0 62.8 62.2 60.9 62.8 64.4 67.2 62.7 2004 87.9 86.2 88.6 64.2 65.2 63.7 63.6 63.1 63.8 65.5 69.5 63.4 2005 88.2 87.0 88.7 65.8 67.3 65.1 64.8 64.9 64.8 68.1 72.1 65.7 2006 87.7 86.5 88.2 65.8 67.1 65.1 64.9 64.5 65.1 67.8 72.3 65.1 2007 87.4 86.6 87.7 65.5 67.4 64.5 64.7 65.4 64.4 67.1 71.4 64.8 2008 87.8 86.9 88.1 65.8 67.8 64.8 64.9 65.6 64.6 67.7 72.0 65.3 2009 87.8 86.9 88.2 66.4 68.8 65.2 65.9 67.2 65.4 67.3 72.0 64.7 2011 86.4 85.9 86.7 63.7 66.1 62.6 63.0 64.4 62.5 65.0 69.0 62.8 2012 86.2 85.6 86.5 64.2 66.7 63.0 63.4 65.2 62.6 65.8 69.5 63.8 2013 85.8 85.4 86.0 64.1 66.6 62.9 63.8 65.5 63.1 64.7 68.4 62.5 2014 86.5 86.1 86.7 65.8 68.6 64.5 65.6 67.3 64.9 66.2 70.9 63.6 2015 85.5 85.8 85.3 64.4 67.8 62.8 64.6 67.0 63.5 64.1 69.3 61.2

Source: IBGE, PNAD 2001-2015. Prepared by author.

Having a child no longer seems to be a major obstacle to women’s participation in the Brazilian economy; in fact, unemployment data shows that women with children enjoy a better employment status than those without children. In the period analyzed, the unemployment rate for women ages 16 to 59 ranged from 12.9% (2003) to 8.4% (2012), reaching 9.1% in 2014. Among women with children, unemployment was 10.7%, 6.7% and 7.3%, respectively, much lower than for women without children, which was 17.6%, 11.9% and 13.1%. It is worth noting that, in Brazil, unemployment affects more women in metropolitan areas than in other areas. (Graph 1 and Graph 2)

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Graph 1: Female unemployment rate (%) by reproductive status. Brazil, Metropolitan areas, 2001-2015.

Source: IBGE, PNAD 2001-2015. Prepared by author.

Graph 2: Female unemployment rate (%) by reproductive status. Brazil, No- metropolitan areas, 2001-2015. Source: IBGE, PNAD 2001-2015. Prepared by author. Higher unemployment among women without children may be related to two factors, both associated with the composition of this segment of women. On the one hand, it is composed mostly of young women, who have the hardest time entering the workforce for the first time. On the other hand, it is possible that, when they are younger, they face less pressure to help the family financially than older women with children who depend on them.

0,0 5,0 10,0 15,0 20,0 25,0 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015

rate (%) year

All With Children Without Children 0,0 5,0 10,0 15,0 20,0 25,0 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015

rate (%) year

All With Children Without children

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Two aspects should be highlighted, both closely linked to the types of composition, forms of organization and relationships within the household-family life. First, as mentioned above, the composition of the working female population ages 16-59 is different than that of women without children. The age profile of women suffers from the effects of demographic changes, with the aging of the population. While before the working women population was predominantly young (ages 20-24) and single, the share of older women has been increasing, as have the odds that these women have children and spouses living at home (TRONCOSO, 2004; BRUSCHINI and RICOLDI, 2008) Second, the continued growth of female labor in Brazil reflects is, to a large extent, a reflection of the recent context of worsening employment conditions. Since the deep economic crises of the 1980s, the male working population have suffered with increasing wage losses and unemployment, which has made many families rely on income from women. (MONTALI, 2012; SORJ, FONTES and MACHADO, 2007, WAJNMAN and MARRI, 2006). These trends have continued, and in this century, we have seen an increase in the proportion of employed women who earn 25% to 50% of the total monthly income for their

• household. In fact, that total has grown from 35.1% in 2001 to 40% in 2015. Particularly in

metropolitan areas. (Graph 3) Graph 3: Relative distribution of the employed female population from 16 to 59 years by the proportion of the labor income in the total household income and area. Brazil, 2001 e 2015.

Source: IBGE, PNAD 2001 and 2015. Prepared by author. 39,1 33,1 46,4 41,7 13,4 9,1 16,4 11,8 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% Metropolitan No-Metro Metropolitan No-Metro 2001 2015 5% or less 5% - 25% 25% - 50% 50% - 75% 75% or more

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Although the sustained involvement of mothers in the workforce is increasingly common in the country, the specialized literature emphasizes that having children, especially at very young ages, is a factor that leads women to seek part-time labor or to withdraw from the workforce (ITABORAI, 2003). However, when analyzing the recent information about working hours of women ages 16-59 who have children living at home, we find that the relative weight of mothers working 40-44 hours a week increased from 2001 to 2015 (from 43.1% to 54.6%), while the number of mothers working only up to 20 hours a week decreased (from 28.2% to 22.3%). More than half of Brazilian women with children living at home work full-time jobs. In metropolitan areas, they make up almost 2/3 of the workers in this segment, having grown from 52.4% to 63.6%. (Graph 4) Graph 4: Relative Distribution (%) of female population with 16-59 years old, employed, with children who live in the household, by working hours and area. Brazil, 2001 e 2015.

Source: IBGE, PNAD 2001 e 2015. Prepared by author.

The data explored indicates that maternity does not seem to be an insurmountable factor for Brazilian women to enter and remain in the workforce, even with very young

• children. Regarding these trends, all questions seem to have been answered. However, other

questions remain, which are important for an assessment of broader segments of Brazilian

• society. What type of changes in the division of time and responsibilities at home are caused

by the greater number of women working full time? Have women expanded their bargaining

52,4 39,0 60,9 49,5 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% Metropolitan No-metropolitan Metropolitan No-metropolitan 2001 2015 20h or less 21-39h 40h or more

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power for promoting greater gender equality? The information about the performance of household chores in Brazil tells us that we are still very far from the second moment of the gender revolution that has been discussed in the most recent literature (Frejka, Goldsheider, Lappergârd, 2016; Esping-Andersen and Billari, 2015). During the 2001-2015 period, while about 90% of women ages 16-59 reported that they did some household chores, just over half the male population in the same age group reported doing any chores at home. Women continue to be responsible for most household chores, despite taking on jobs outside the home. When analyzing the time dedicated towards upkeeping the household-family space, we usually see that women put in very long hours, even for those who also work outside the home. Differently from men, the time spent by women on household chores varies according to their family characteristics. Among employed women, those who are spouses, who have companions and children living at home, spend more average hours on household chores. (Table 2) Table 2: Average hours spent on household chores by employed women ages 16 to 59, according to select family characteristics. Brazil, by region, 2001 and 2015.

Characteristics 2001 2015 Metropolitan No-Metro Metropolitan No-Metro Position in the household Head of the household 22.5 23.3 24.3 24.7 Spouse 26.2 28.7 27.1 28.1 Daughter 14.9 16.0 15.3 16.7 Other relative 16.8 18.0 17.9 18.9 Other women in the household None 25.1 27.8 25.3 26.6 1 22.2 24.3 22.1 23.3 2 19.0 21.7 20.0 21.0 3+ 17.9 19.3 18.4 19.6 Woman has a partner No 22.0 23.3 22.1 23.0 Yes 26.1 28.6 27.1 27.8 Children living at home No 24.2 25.9 24.94 25.6 Yes 25.5 27.6 26.69 27.3

Source: IBGE, PNAD 2001 and 2015. Prepared by author.

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In (Table 2), we should highlight that, on average, daughters spend fewer hours per week with household chores. On average, the presence of a partner at home means more hours spent on household chores than when there are only children living at home. While children and partners living at home result in more hours spent by the women with household chores, the presence of other adult women at home has the opposite effect. The higher the number of adult women in the household, the less time is spent by female spouses. It should be noted that the average time spent by women living in non-metropolitan areas is higher than for those of the same age but living in metropolitan areas. Another important point to note is that, even though there has been a reduction between the years analyzed, the average hours spent in household chores by employed women is approximately half the weekly hours worked on their job. When we evaluate the hours worked per week by men and women on their job and household activities, the results show that women who work full time end up working more than 60 hours on average. About 5 hours a week more, on average, than the total hours worked by men, especially in metropolitan areas. The presence of children at home affects women’s total number of hours worked. The difference between those who have children and those who do not is approximately 7 hours longer for women with children. In 2014, this difference is the same in metropolitan areas, but has decreased by approximately 2 hours, on average, for women living in non-metropolitan areas. Analyses of the combination of family and workplace responsibilities in Brazil have suggested that the more widespread entry of women in the workplace has not spared them long hours with household chores. This build-up of responsibilities ultimately adds a second workday to women, since it does not free them from their traditional duties. For a better assessment of the different factors that affect women’s employment rates, a logistic regression model will be applied to the female population that have reported performing some household chore. The main question is to assess which factors would be associated with this above-average time spent on household chores in the employed female population ages 16 to 59. That is, what are the characteristics of women who work outside the home and spend the most time doing household chores?

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Final considerations Despite the significant demographic, cultural and social transformations in Brazil since the middle of the 20th century, some factors still perpetuate gender inequalities when it comes to household chores and caregiving at the home. The results reiterate findings from

• ther studies that suggest that the entry of women in the workplace has not decreased the

weight of their responsibilities in the household. In practice, these women end up working an additional workday after coming home from their jobs. The fact that this reality has persisted, however, indicates the survival of conventional social practices that through which women or men must perform the role they are expected within their families: the woman in the reproductive role and the man as the provider. References

ALVES, J.E.D.; CORREA, S. Igualdade e desigualdade de gênero no Brasil: um panorama preliminar, 15 anos depois do Cairo. In: ABEP. Brasil, 15 anos após a Conferência do Cairo. ABEP;UNFPA: Campinas, 2009. BRUSCHINI, C. Trabalho e gênero no Brasil nos últimos dez anos. Cadernos de Pesquisa, São Paulo,

• v. 37, n. 132, p. 537-572, set./dez. 2007.

BRUSCHINI, C.; RICOLDI, A. M. Articulação trabalho e família: famílias urbanas de baixa renda e políticas de apoio às trabalhadoras. São Paulo: Fundação Carlos Chagas, 2008. 147p. ESPING-ANDERSEN, G., BILLARI, F. C. Re-theorizing Family Demographics. Population and Development Review, vol. 41, n.1, pp. 1-31, 2015. FREJKA, T., GOLDSHEIDER, F.; LAPPEGÂRD, T. The Gender Revolution and Fertility. European Population Conference “Demographic Change and Policy Implications. Mainz, Germany, 2016. 22p. ITABORAÍ, Nathalie Reis . Trabalho feminino e mudanças na família no Brasil (1984-1996): explorando relações. Revista Brasileira de Estudos da População , Campinas - SP, v. 20, n.2, p. 157- 176, 2003. MCDONALD, Peter. “Gender equity, social institutions and the future of fertility.” In: Journal of Population Research, vol.17, No.1, 2000 MONTALI, L. Família e trabalho: os desafios da equidade para as famílias metropolitanas na recuperação da economia nos anos 2000. In: TURRA, C. M.; CUNHA, J.M.P. (orgs.) População e desenvolvimento em debate: contribuições da Associação Brasileira de Estudos Populacionais. Belo Horizonte: ABEP, 2012. pp. 177-186. SORJ, B.; FONTES, A.; MACHADO, D.C. Políticas e práticas de conciliação entre família e trabalho no Brasil. Cadernos de pesquisa, FCC, v. 37, n. 132, set./dez. 2007. TRONCOSO, L. Participação da mulher no mercado de trabalho e desigualdade da renda domiciliar per capita no Brasil: 1981-2002. Nova Economia. Belo Horizonte, vol. 14, n.2. 2004.

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WAJNMAN, Simone; MARRI, Izabel. Esposas como principais provedores de renda familiar. In: Anais... XV Encontro Nacional de Estudos Populacionais, ABEP: Caxambu, 2006.