The typology of demonstratives clarified: Verbal demonstratives in - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

The typology of demonstratives clarified: Verbal demonstratives in Juǀ’hoan

Florian Lionnet

UC Berkeley

ALT 10, Leipzig, 15-18 August 2013

Introduction

2

Introduction

This presentation shows:

— 1) that exophoric demonstratives can be

encoded as verbs,

• Evidence from Juǀ’hoan (Ju, aka Northern

Khoisan)

— 2) that, despite being rare, such verbal

demonstratives are typologically expected

— 3) where such verbal demonstratives belong

in an updated typology of demonstratives

3

Introduction

— Exophoric demonstratives:

• discourse-external reference, i.e. the word(s)

used to translate ‘this/that book’ etc.

• à not discourse internal (endo-/ana-/

cataphoric), manner deixis ‘thus’ etc.

— Juǀ’hoan

• Southeastern dialect of Ju (Kx’a), Namibia/

Botswana

• (Demonstratives in other Ju lects have different

properties)

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Introduction

• 1. Recent typological literature
• 2. Verbal demonstratives in Juǀ’hoan
• 3. An unusual but typologically expected

category

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• 1. Recent typologies of

demonstrative

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• 1. Recent typologies of demonstratives

— Diessel (1999) — Dixon (2003)

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• 1. Recent typologies of demonstratives

— Diessel’s (1999) typology of demonstratives:

Distribution Canonical Category Pronominal demonstrative (argument in a clause) Demonstrative pronoun Adnominal demonstrative (noun-modifier in an NP) Demonstrative determiner Adverbial demonstrative (verb-modifier in a clause) Demonstrative adverb (locative adverbs here, there etc.) Identificational demonstrative (dem. in a copular or non-verbal clause) Demonstrative “identifier” e.g. ‘This is your book’ e.g. C’est ton livre.

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• 1. Recent typologies of demonstratives

— Diessel’s (1999) typology of demonstratives:

< “predicative demonstrative” (Diessel 1997a,b)

Distribution Canonical Category Pronominal demonstrative (argument in a clause) Demonstrative pronoun Adnominal demonstrative (noun-modifier in an NP) Demonstrative determiner Adverbial demonstrative (verb-modifier in a clause) Demonstrative adverb (locative adverbs here, there etc.) Identificational demonstrative (dem. in a copular or non-verbal clause) Demonstrative “identifier”

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• 1. Recent typologies of demonstratives

— Diessel’s (1999) typology of demonstratives:

NB: demonstrative identifiers are NOT verbs à There are no verbal demonstratives in Diessel’s typology

Distribution Canonical Category Pronominal demonstrative (argument in a clause) Demonstrative pronoun Adnominal demonstrative (noun-modifier in an NP) Demonstrative determiner Adverbial demonstrative (verb-modifier in a clause) Demonstrative adverb (locative adverbs here, there etc.) Identificational demonstrative (dem. in a copular or non-verbal clause) Demonstrative “identifier”

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• 1. Recent typologies of demonstratives

Dixon’s (2003) typology of demonstratives:

— Nominal demonstratives

• Pronominal (this is good)
• Adnominal (this book is good)

— Adverbial demonstratives

• Locative adverbs (here, there)

— Verbal demonstratives

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• 1. Recent typologies of demonstratives

Dixon’s (2003) verbal demonstratives:

— Extremely rare: only 3 languages in his

typology

— Two different types:

• ‘do thus/like this’: Boumaa Fijian, Dyirbal
• ‘be here/this’, ‘be there/that’: Juǀ’hoan (Ju)

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• 1. Recent typologies of demonstratives

‘Do thus/like this’:

(1) Boumaa Fijian (Dixon 2003:72) (2) Dyirbal (Dixon 2003:102) [o ‘ae]S [‘eneii tuu gaa ‘eneii]PREDICATE

ART 3SG do.like.this ASP just do.like.this

‘He did just like this.’ [narrator mimes a spearing action] balaO baja! najaA [yalama-n baja-n]PREDICATE

there:M chew:1MP 1SG do.like.this-NON.FUT chew-NON.FUT

‘Chew it [the spear grass]! I’m chewing (it) like this.’

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• 1. Recent typologies of demonstratives

(3) ‘be here/this’, ‘be there/that’: Juǀ’hoan (Ju)

(Dickens 2005:49) a. jù hè person be.here/this ‘This is a person.’ b. nǃȍh tȍ’à

• range

be.there/that ‘That is an orange.’ CLAIM: only Juǀ’hoan has verbal exophoric demonstratives

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• 2. Demonstratives in Juǀ’hoan

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• 2. Juǀ’hoan

— Sources:

• Snyman (1970)
• Dickens (1991, 2005)
• Biesele (2009)

— Strictly SVO — Two demonstratives, analyzed as verbs:

(Dickens 1991b, 2005)

• PROX: hè (classes 1, 2, 3) ‘be here, be this’

kè (class 4)

• DIST:

tȍ’à ‘be there, be that’

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• 2. Juǀ’hoan

— Verb- and noun-identifcation tests: Syntactic context Test If yes: Predication

PRED Can the lexical item be a predicate on its

• wn? (or does it need copular/verbal

support?) Verbal TAM Is the lexical item compatible with TAM markers? Verbal NEG Can the lexical item be directly negated by the verbal negation ǀóá ? Verbal ARG Can the lexical item be an argument of a verb? Nominal

Noun- modifcation

DIRECT Is the lexical item directly adjacent to the NP it modifes, either before (PreNP) or after (PostNP)? Nominal RC Does the lexical item have to be used as the predicate of a relative clause when modifying a noun? Verbal

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• 2. Juǀ’hoan

PRED + TAM + NEG: demonstratives are verbs

(4) … mi ku ǀoa he ka ge

1SG IPFV NEG PROX.1/3 and be.alive

‘(If it had been only you) I wouldn’t be here alive.’ (5) jù hè

person PROX.1/3 ‘This is a person.’

(6) mi nǀee ti e (Lloyd’s !Xuun)

1SG head IPFV PROX

‘This is my head’

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• 2. Juǀ’hoan

Demonstratives may not be arguments:

(7) a. ha kú ǁohm !aìhn

• b. *ha kú ǁohm kè/hè

he IPFV chop tree he IPFV chop PROX

‘He was chopping a tree.’

Int: He was chopping this.

(8) a. útò g!ààn

• b. *kè/hè

g!ààn

car be.red PROX be.red

‘The car is red.’

Int: This is red.

(9) a. n!haì ó jòmmà

• b. *hè/kè ó jòmmà

person COP predator PROX COP predator

‘The lion is a predator.’ Int: This is a predator.

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• 2. Juǀ’hoan

Noun-modifcation: relative clause

(10) jù hè

• cf. !xó

ú

person.1 PROX1/3 elephant go *this person ‘The elephant goes.’ ‘This is a person.’

(11) jù=à hè

• cf. !xó=à ú

person=REL PROX1/3 elephant=REL go ‘this person’ ‘the elephant thatgoes’

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• 2. Juǀ’hoan

— Verb- and noun-identifcation tests applied to Juǀ’hoan:

Predication Noun- modifcation

PRED TAM NEG ARG DIRECT RC Verbal

Verbs e.g. ű ‘go’, ǃhún ‘kill’

ü ü ü x x ü

Verbal “adjectives” e.g. gǂà’ín ‘be long’

ü ü ü x x ü

Demonstratives hè/kè, tȍ’à

ü ü ü x x ü

nè ‘(be) which’

ü ü ü x x ü Nominal Nouns

e.g. nǃhȁì ‘lion’

x x x ü ü x

Nominal “adjectives” (rare: < 20) e.g. ǀ’hȍàn ‘real’

x x x x ü x

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• 2. Juǀ’hoan: Summary

Syntactic function Category Example Predicate Verb

…mi ku ǀoa hè

1SG IPFV NEG PROX:1/3

‘I would not be here.’

Identifcational statement Verb

jù hè

person PROX:1/3

‘This is a person.’

Noun modifer Verb (in relative clause) jù=à hè person=REL PROX:1/3

‘this person’

Argument Verb (in relative clause) gù [tci̋=à kè]OBJ take thing=REL PROX:4

‘Take this (thing). ’

Adjunct 1) Verb (in relative clause) 2) Adverb?

kò=à kè / kò=à tȍ’à

LOC=REL PROX:4 LOC=REL DIST

‘here’ ‘there’

kòkò (no example in sources)

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• 2. Juǀ’hoan

Conclusion: verbal demonstratives are the only demonstratives in Juǀ’hoan:

— No demonstrative pronouns — No demonstrative adnouns (determiners, adjectives

etc.)

— One demonstrative adverb: kòkò ‘here’ (in

Dickens’ (1994) dictionary)

• but rare? no example found in any of the sources

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• 3. A rare but expected category

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• 3. Rare…

— Only one language in Dixon’s (2003) typology: Juǀ’hoan

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Exophoric demonstratives Action verbs expressing manner deixis Adverb (Pro/ad-) noun Verb

Boumaa Fijian yai (PROX) yaa (MID)̠ mayaa (DIST) n/a ‘eneii ‘do like this’ Dyirbal yalay (PROX) balay (DIST) ŋalay (remembered) giyi n/a yalama- ‘do like this’ wiyama- ‘do what, how’ Juǀ’hoan n/a n/a hè/kè (PROX) tȍ’à (DIST) òò ‘do like this’ nàùn~nìn ‘do how’

• 3. … but expected

— Typology of intransitive predication (Stassen 1997):

Juǀ’hoan demonstrative verbs = locational predication

mi ku ǀoa he

1SG

IPFV NEG be.here

‘I wouldn’t be here.’

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Predicate type (semantics) Typical Strategy (syntactic encoding) Typical word class English ex.

Event Verbal strategy Verb John walks Property (strategy “takeover”: mostly verbal or nominal) Adjective John is tall (nominal strategy) Class Nominal strategy (copula) Noun John is a carpenter Locational Locational strategy (posture verb as support verb) Adverb/PP John is in the kitchen/here

• 3. … but expected

— Strategy “takeover” (Stassen 1997):

• E.g. In English, predicate adjectives are taken over by the

nominal strategy (same copula be)

— Constrained by principles, presented in scalar form:

• nominalization scale, verbalization scale, locational scale etc.

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• 3. … but expected

— Second verbalization scale (Stassen 1997):

Rare: 31 out of 410 languages in Stassen’s sample have “verbalized” locational predicates

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Verbs

(events)

> Adjectives

(properties)

> Locationals Verbs

(events)

> Adjectives

(properties)

> Locationals Verbs

(events)

> Adjectives

(properties)

> Locationals

• 3. … but expected

— Second verbalization scale (Stassen 1997):

à Prediction: if locationals can be verbs in a language, adjectives must be verbal as well

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Verbs

(events)

> Adjectives

(properties)

> Locationals Verbs

(events)

> Adjectives

(properties)

> Locationals Verbs

(events)

> Adjectives

(properties)

> Locationals Verbs

(events)

> Adjectives

(properties)

> Locationals

• 3. … but expected

— The prediction is borne out in Juǀ’hoan:

Adjectives/“property roots” (Haspelmath 2012) (12) Verbal (almost all)

jù gǀȁȍh / jù=à gǀȁȍh

person be.strong person=REL be.strong

‘The person is strong.’ ‘a strong person’

(13) Nominal (<20)

tjù=à kè

ó ká zè / tjù zè

house=REL PROX:4 COP PRO:4 new house new

‘This house is new.’ (lit. is a new one) ‘a new house’

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Conclusion

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Conclusion

Proposed modifed typology of exophoric demonstratives:

Semantic/ Syntactic function Canonical word class

• 1. Argument

(Pro)noun

• 2. Noun modifer

Adnoun (determiner, adj. etc.)

• 3. Adjunct

Adverb

• 4. Predicate
• Adverb Stassen’s (1997)

locational strategy

• Verb

through verbal takeover of

locational predicate ‘(be) here/there’

• 5. Identifcational

statement

• (Pro)noun
• “Demonstrative identifer”

(Diessel 1999)

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Conclusion

Proposed modifed typology of exophoric demonstratives:

Diessel (1999)

Semantic/ Syntactic function Canonical word class

Dixon (2003) Pronominal 1. Argument

(Pro)noun

Nominal Adnominal

• 2. Noun modifer

Adnoun (determiner, adj. etc.)

Nominal Adverbial

• 3. Adjunct

Adverb

Adverbial

• 4. Predicate
• Adverb Stassen’s (1997)

locational strategy

• Verb

through verbal takeover of

locational predicate ‘(be) here/there’ Adverbial Verbal Identifca- tional

• 5. Identifcational

statement

• (Pro)noun
• “Demonstrative identifer”

(Diessel 1999)

Nominal

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THANK YOU!

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References

—

Biesele, M. (ed.), 2009. Ju|'hoan Folktales: Transcriptions and English Translations - A Literacy Primer by and for Youth and Adults of the Ju|'hoan Community. Vancouver: Trafford First Voices.

—

Dickens, Patrick J. 1991. Relative Clauses in Ju|’hoan, in W.H.G.Haacke & E.D.Elderkin (eds.) Namibian Languages : Reports and Papers, Namibian African Studies vol.4, Cologne, Rüdiger Köppe, pp:107-116.

—

Dickens, Patrick J. 1994. English – Juǀ'hoan / Juǀ'hoan – English Dictionary, Quellen zur Khoisan-Forschung vol.8, Cologne, Rüdiger Köppe.

—

Dickens, Patrick J. 2005. A Concise Grammar of Ju|’hoan, Quellen zur Khoisan-Forschung vol. 17, Cologne, Rüdiger Köppe

—

Diessel, Holger.1997a. Predicative demonstratives. Proceedings of the Twenty-Third Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society: General Session and Parasession on Pragmatics and Grammatical Structure, pp. 72-82.

—

Diessel, Holger. 1997b. The diachronic reanalysis of demonstratives in cross-linguistic

• perspective. Chicago Linguistics Society 33: 83-98.

—

Diessel, Holger. 1999. Demonstratives: form, function and grammaticalization. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins

—

Dixon, Robert. 2003. Demonstratives: a cross-linguistic typology. Studies in Language 27(1): 61-112.

—

Snyman, Jan W. 1970. An Introduction to the !Xũ (!Kung) Language. Cape Town: Balkema.

—

Stassen, Leon. 1997. Intransitive Predication. Oxford: Calendron Press

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