The typology of demonstratives clarified: Verbal demonstratives in - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

The typology of demonstratives clarified: Verbal demonstratives in Ju ǀ ’hoan Florian Lionnet UC Berkeley ALT 10, Leipzig, 15-18 August 2013

Introduction 2

Introduction This presentation shows: — 1) that exophoric demonstratives can be encoded as verbs, ◦ Evidence from Ju ǀ ’hoan (Ju, aka Northern Khoisan) — 2) that, despite being rare, such verbal demonstratives are typologically expected — 3) where such verbal demonstratives belong in an updated typology of demonstratives 3

Introduction — Exophoric demonstratives : ◦ discourse-external reference, i.e. the word(s) used to translate ‘this/that book’ etc. ◦ à not discourse internal (endo-/ana-/ cataphoric), manner deixis ‘thus’ etc. — Ju ǀ ’hoan ◦ Southeastern dialect of Ju (Kx’a), Namibia/ Botswana ◦ (Demonstratives in other Ju lects have different properties) 4

Introduction 1. Recent typological literature 2. Verbal demonstratives in Ju ǀ ’hoan 3. An unusual but typologically expected category 5

1. Recent typologies of demonstrative 6

1. Recent typologies of demonstratives — Diessel (1999) — Dixon (2003) 7

1. Recent typologies of demonstratives — Diessel’s (1999) typology of demonstratives: Distribution Canonical Category Pronominal demonstrative Demonstrative pronoun (argument in a clause) Adnominal demonstrative Demonstrative determiner (noun-modifier in an NP) Adverbial demonstrative Demonstrative adverb (verb-modifier in a clause) (locative adverbs here, there etc.) Identificational demonstrative Demonstrative “identifier” (dem. in a copular or non-verbal clause) e.g. ‘This is your book’ e.g. C’est ton livre . 8

1. Recent typologies of demonstratives — Diessel’s (1999) typology of demonstratives: Distribution Canonical Category Pronominal demonstrative Demonstrative pronoun (argument in a clause) Adnominal demonstrative Demonstrative determiner (noun-modifier in an NP) Adverbial demonstrative Demonstrative adverb (verb-modifier in a clause) (locative adverbs here, there etc.) Identificational demonstrative Demonstrative “identifier” (dem. in a copular or non-verbal clause) < “predicative demonstrative” (Diessel 1997a,b) 9

1. Recent typologies of demonstratives — Diessel’s (1999) typology of demonstratives: Distribution Canonical Category Pronominal demonstrative Demonstrative pronoun (argument in a clause) Adnominal demonstrative Demonstrative determiner (noun-modifier in an NP) Adverbial demonstrative Demonstrative adverb (verb-modifier in a clause) (locative adverbs here, there etc.) Identificational demonstrative Demonstrative “identifier” (dem. in a copular or non-verbal clause) NB: demonstrative identifiers are NOT verbs à There are no verbal demonstratives in Diessel’s typology 10

1. Recent typologies of demonstratives Dixon’s (2003) typology of demonstratives: — Nominal demonstratives ◦ Pronominal ( this is good) ◦ Adnominal ( this book is good) — Adverbial demonstratives ◦ Locative adverbs ( here, there ) — Verbal demonstratives 12

1. Recent typologies of demonstratives Dixon’s (2003) verbal demonstratives: — Extremely rare: only 3 languages in his typology — Two different types: ◦ ‘do thus/like this’: Boumaa Fijian, Dyirbal ◦ ‘be here/this’, ‘be there/that’: Ju ǀ ’hoan (Ju) 14

1. Recent typologies of demonstratives ‘Do thus/like this’: (1) Boumaa Fijian (Dixon 2003:72) [ o ‘ae ] S [ ‘eneii tuu gaa ‘eneii ] PREDICATE ART 3SG do.like.this ASP just do.like.this ‘He did just like this.’ [narrator mimes a spearing action] (2) Dyirbal (Dixon 2003:102) bala O baja! naja A [ yalama -n baja-n ] PREDICATE there:M chew:1MP 1SG do.like.this -NON.FUT chew-NON.FUT ‘Chew it [the spear grass]! I’m chewing (it) like this.’ 15

1. Recent typologies of demonstratives (3) ‘be here/this’, ‘be there/that’: Ju ǀ ’hoan (Ju) (Dickens 2005:49) a. ju ̀ hè person be.here/this ‘This is a person.’ b. n ǃȍ h t ȍ ’a ̀ orange be.there/that ‘That is an orange.’ CLAIM: only Ju ǀ ’hoan has verbal exophoric demonstratives 17

2. Demonstratives in Ju ǀ ’hoan 18

2. Ju ǀ ’hoan — Sources: ◦ Snyman (1970) ◦ Dickens (1991, 2005) ◦ Biesele (2009) — Strictly SVO — Two demonstratives, analyzed as verbs: (Dickens 1991b, 2005) ◦ PROX: hè (classes 1, 2, 3) ‘be here, be this’ ke ̀ (class 4) ◦ DIST: t ȍ ’a ̀ ‘be there, be that’ 21

2. Ju ǀ ’hoan — Verb- and noun-identi f cation tests: Syntactic Test If yes: context Predication PRED Can the lexical item be a predicate on its Verbal own? (or does it need copular/verbal support?) TAM Is the lexical item compatible with TAM Verbal markers? NEG Can the lexical item be directly negated Verbal by the verbal negation ǀ óa ́ ? ARG Can the lexical item be an argument of a Nominal verb? Noun- DIRECT Is the lexical item directly adjacent to the Nominal modi f cation NP it modi f es, either before (PreNP) or after (PostNP)? RC Does the lexical item have to be used as Verbal the predicate of a relative clause when modifying a noun? 22

2. Ju ǀ ’hoan PRED + TAM + NEG: demonstratives are verbs (4) … mi ku ǀ oa he ka ge 1SG IPFV NEG PROX.1/3 and be.alive ‘(If it had been only you) I wouldn’t be here alive.’ (5) jù hè person PROX.1/3 ‘ This is a person.’ (6) mi n ǀ ee ti e (Lloyd’s !Xuun) 1SG head IPFV PROX ‘This is my head’ 25

2. Ju ǀ ’hoan Demonstratives may not be arguments: (7) a. ha ku ́ ǁ ohm !aìhn b. *ha ku ́ ǁ ohm ke ̀ /hè he IPFV chop tree he IPFV chop PROX ‘He was chopping a tree.’ Int: He was chopping this. (8) a. úto ̀ g!ààn b. * ke ̀ /hè g!ààn car be.red PROX be.red ‘The car is red.’ Int: This is red. (9) a. n!hai ̀ ó jòmma ̀ b. * hè/ke ̀ ó jòmma ̀ person COP predator PROX COP predator ‘The lion is a predator.’ Int: This is a predator. 28

2. Ju ǀ ’hoan Noun-modi f cation: relative clause (10) ju ̀ hè cf. !xó ú person.1 PROX1/3 elephant go *this person ‘The elephant goes.’ ‘This is a person.’ (11) ju ̀ =à hè cf. !xó=à ú person=REL PROX1/3 elephant=REL go ‘this person’ ‘the elephant thatgoes’ 31

2. Ju ǀ ’hoan — Verb- and noun-identi f cation tests applied to Ju ǀ ’hoan: Noun- Predication modi f cation PRED TAM NEG ARG DIRECT RC Verbs Verbal ü ü ü x x ü e.g. ű ‘go’, ǃ hún ‘kill’ Verbal “adjectives” ü ü ü x x ü e.g. g ǂ a ̀ ’ín ‘be long’ Demonstratives ü ü ü x x ü hè/ke ̀ , t ȍ ’a ̀ ü ü ü x x ü nè ‘(be) which’ Nominal Nouns x x x ü ü x e.g. n ǃ h ȁ i ̀ ‘lion’ Nominal “adjectives” (rare: < 20) x x x x ü x e.g. ǀ ’h ȍ àn ‘real’ 33

2. Ju ǀ ’hoan: Summary Syntactic Category Example function Predicate Verb …mi ku ǀ oa hè 1SG IPFV NEG PROX:1/3 ‘I would not be here.’ Identi f cational Verb ju ̀ hè statement person PROX:1/3 ‘This is a person.’ Noun (in relative clause) ju ̀ =à hè Verb modi f er person=REL PROX:1/3 ‘this person’ Argument Verb (in relative clause) gu ̀ [ tci ̋ =à ke ̀ ] OBJ take thing=REL PROX:4 ‘Take this (thing). ’ Adjunct 1) Verb ko ̀ =à ke ̀ / ko ̀ =à t ȍ ’a ̀ (in relative clause) LOC=REL PROX:4 LOC=REL DIST ‘here’ ‘there’ 2) Adverb? kòko ̀ (no example in sources) 39

2. Ju ǀ ’hoan Conclusion : verbal demonstratives are the only demonstratives in Ju ǀ ’hoan: — No demonstrative pronouns — No demonstrative adnouns (determiners, adjectives etc.) — One demonstrative adverb: kòko ̀ ‘here’ (in Dickens’ (1994) dictionary) ◦ but rare? no example found in any of the sources 40

3. A rare but expected category 41

3. Rare… — Only one language in Dixon’s (2003) typology: Ju ǀ ’hoan Exophoric demonstratives Action verbs expressing manner Adverb (Pro/ad-) Verb deixis noun yai (PROX) Boumaa yaa (MID) ̠ n/a ‘eneii ‘do like this’ Fijian mayaa (DIST) yalay (PROX) yalama- balay (DIST) ‘do like this’ Dyirbal giyi n/a ŋ alay wiyama- (remembered) ‘do what, how’ hè/ke ̀ (PROX) òo ̀ ‘do like this’ Ju ǀ ’hoan n/a n/a t ȍ ’a ̀ (DIST) nàùn~nìn ‘do how’ 42

3. … but expected — Typology of intransitive predication (Stassen 1997): Predicate type Typical Strategy Typical word English ex. (semantics) (syntactic encoding) class Event Verbal strategy Verb John walks Property (strategy “takeover”: Adjective John is tall mostly verbal or (nominal strategy) nominal) Class Nominal strategy Noun John is a carpenter (copula) Locational Locational strategy Adverb/PP John is in the (posture verb as support kitchen/here verb) Ju ǀ ’hoan demonstrative verbs = locational predication mi ku ǀ oa he 1SG IPFV NEG be.here ‘I wouldn’t be here.’ 48

3. … but expected — Strategy “takeover” (Stassen 1997): ◦ E.g. In English, predicate adjectives are taken over by the nominal strategy (same copula be ) — Constrained by principles, presented in scalar form: ◦ nominalization scale, verbalization scale, locational scale etc. 50