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Identity of form: lexemes The Additive Marker in complementizer pronominal Conversational Persian: A Case 1. ina gerun-an 4. goft ke mi-r-e these expensive+3 PL said. PST .3 SG CONT +go+3 SG COMP These are expensive. She/he


  1. Identity of form: lexemes The Additive Marker in complementizer pronominal Conversational Persian: A Case 1. ina gerun-an 4. goft ke mi-r-e these expensive+3 PL said. PST .3 SG CONT +go+3 SG COMP ‘These are expensive.’ ‘She/he said that she/he will go.’ of Inflectional Spread associative plural 2. sima ina færda mi-y-an 5. bayæd ke be-r-e Jila Ghomeshi Sima these tomorrow CONT +come+3 PL must SUBJ +go+3 SG PRT ‘Sima and family will come tomorrow.’ ‘She/he must go.’ University of Manitoba NACIL 1 general extender modal particle 3. ketab-o majjale-o ina xund-im 6. sima ke mi-r-e April 28, 2017 book+ CONJ magazine+ CONJ these read. PAST +1 PL Sima CONT +go+3 SG PRT ‘We read books and magazines and stuff.’ ‘Sima will go.’ see Ghomeshi (to appear) see Ghomeshi (2013) April 28, 2017 Ghomeshi NACIL1 presentation 2 Identity of form: morphemes Grammaticalization pronominal clitic One well-established grammaticalization Under the Minimalist version a principle of Feature 7. ketab-e gerun 10. æz in xoš-æm amæd cline is from independent content word Economy strips away semantic and interpretable book+ EZ expensive from this good+1 SG . CLC come. PST .3 SG . SBJ PRAGMATIC to bound morpheme. features, leaving only uninterpretable features. ‘expensive book’ ‘I liked this.’ (van Gelderen 2011:14.17 ) (Hopper & Traugott 1993:7) Ezafe construction possessive affix subject agreement 8. ketab-e gerun-e sima inflectional affix Affix [ u F] book+ EZ expensive+ EZ Sima 11. ketab-æm-o xund-æm ‘Sima’s expensive book’ book+1 SG . POSS + OM read. PAST +1 SG . SBJ agreement FUNCTIONAL clitic Head [ u F] colloquial singular ‘I read my book.’ additive marker definiteness marker 9. ketab-e grammatical word Specifier [ i F] 12. ketab-æm xund-æm book+ DEF . SG book+ ADD read. PAST +1 SG . SBJ ‘the book’ ‘‘I read books/the book as well.’ pronouns content item Adjunct (semantic) LEXICAL see Ghomeshi (2003, 2008) April 28, 2017 Ghomeshi NACIL1 presentation 3 April 28, 2017 Ghomeshi NACIL1 presentation 4

  2. Grammaticalization Grammaticalization Last Merge Principle This is consistent with Chomsky’s (1995, 2001) ‘merge-over- Head Preference Principle (HPP) This principle explains, for example, the tendency for Merge as late as possible. move’ principle according to which it is preferable to merge an Be a head, rather than a phrase. relative or demonstrative pronouns (merged as PRAGMATIC PRAGMATIC (van Gelderen 2011:14.17) element in a higher position than to merge it lower in a (van Gelderen 2004, 2011:13.15) specifiers within CP) to be reanalyzed as syntactic structure and then move it higher. This principle has complementizers (merged as C-heads). TP been invoked to explain the change from main verb to auxiliary. CP a. that > b. CP > c. CP T’ [i-loc] [i-phi] relative pronoun C’ I have travelled a lot. I am travelling a lot. FUNCTIONAL FUNCTIONAL that T VP pre-OE to the present [i-phi] [i-T] C complementizer C V’ Old and Middle English that [u-T] I know that an ideal password is one I have a car. I am happy to meet you. LEXICAL Late Middle English to now LEXICAL where it looks like my cat took a 12- V hour nap on the keyboard. (Brook 2011:5) van Gelderen 2011:261, Fig. 7.4 April 28, 2017 Ghomeshi NACIL1 presentation 5 April 28, 2017 Ghomeshi NACIL1 presentation 6 Grammaticalization: ke in Persian Grammaticalization: ke in Persian 13 . introducing a purpose clause 16 . introducing direct discourse (Perry 2007) un mænzel-o foruxt-æn [( ke ) be-r-æn amrika ] goft [ CP ( ke ) mæn ne-mi-y-am] PRAGMATIC PRAGMATIC that house + OM sold+3 PL that SUBJ +go+3 PL America said.3 SG that I NEG + CONT +come+1 SG ‘They sold that house [in order/so that] to go to America.’ ‘He said “I’m not coming.”’ 14 . introducing a clause with a temporal reading [term and example from Perry 2007:996] 17 . introducing direct discourse (Perry 2007) hænuz vared=na-shode bud-im [ ke ma-ra did ] goft [ CP ( ke ) ne-mi-y-ad ] yet enter= NEG +become. PTCPL was+1 PL that us+ OM saw+3 SG said.3 SG that NEG + CONT +come+3 SG ‘We had not yet entered when he saw us.’ ‘He said he’s not coming.’ FUNCTIONAL FUNCTIONAL 15 . introducing a clause with a causal reading [term and example from Perry 2007:996] 18 . introducing an indicative complement clause bo-ro birun [ ke sobh shod ] mi-dun-æm [ CP ( ke) aftab daq-e ] IMP +go outside that morning became+3 SG CONT +know+1 SG that sun hot+3 SG Estaji (2011) traces the sources of some of these uses of ke to relative pronouns and ‘Go out, for it is morning.’ ‘I know (that) the sun is hot.’ some to other connectives. See also Stilo (2004) for pronominal sources of ke . bæ’d æz in ke ‘after’ (lit. after that which); chun ke ‘because’; bæra-ye in ke , ‘for, because’ (lit. LEXICAL LEXICAL for that which); ta ke ‘so that’; ægær ke ‘although’, bælke ‘but’ April 28, 2017 Ghomeshi NACIL1 presentation 7 April 28, 2017 Ghomeshi NACIL1 presentation 8

  3. The modal particle ke Modal particles across languages 19. šam xord-i ke ? Properties (see Traugott 2007) Some of the functions of the dinner eat. PST +2 SG PRT PRAGMATIC modal particle ke ‘You have eaten, haven’t you?’ • lack connective properties at the discourse level (do not sequence units of talk) • occur in dialogic contexts and are often ‘adversative’ 20. ǰai ke ne-mi-r-in emšæb ? • requesting confirmation • may not appear in one fixed position (e.g. in German they occur in the “Middle-field” but can place PRT NEG + CONT +go+2 PL tonight • underlining the obvious (in ‘You’re not going anywhere tonight, are you?’ exclamations) also appear in other clause-internal positions) (presumed answer is ‘no’) • adversative (marks • are phonologically unstressed and semantically have inferential, epistemic meanings assertion in the context of FUNCTIONAL • are often untranslatable from one language to another 21. axe in kar-a ke asun nist counter-expectations) • are often deletable in translation because this work+ PL PRT easy NEG .be+3 SG • First ya is discourse marker and • identifying most likely ‘Because these things aren’t easy to do.’ (in response to functions as a turn-taking signal alternative from a list a question about why something didn’t get done) German (Diewald 2013:21.3) (DM) (scalar reading) 23. ja, und dann kommt ja der grosße Balken, ja? • Second is a modal particle (MP) 22. qahve ke mi-xor-e • Third is a turn-final signal (DM) JA , and then comes JA the large beam, JA ? See Bateni (2010), Lazard (1957, coffee PRT CONT +consume+3 SG LEXICAL (Diewald 2013:20-21) 1992), Oroji & Rezaei (2013) ‘ Okay , and then – we know that – comes the large beam, right ‘S/he drinks coffee.’ (…but not other things) April 28, 2017 Ghomeshi NACIL1 presentation 9 April 28, 2017 Ghomeshi NACIL1 presentation 10 The functions of ke Pragmaticalization Not obviously due to Feature Economy, Late Merge Principle, or Head Preference • Layering : where original Principle mæn ( ke ) mi-r-æm ( ke ) (y’know) cars are (y’know) expensive (y’know) mæn ( ke ) mi-r-æm ( ke ) PRAGMATIC PRAGMATIC and emergent functions I CONT +go+1 SG PRT I CONT +go+1 SG PRT PRT PRT coexist. (Hopper 1991: 23, ‘I (at least) will go (won’t I).’ ‘I (at least) will go (won’t I).’ Hopper & Traugott 2003:124-6) ? (Grammatical) Polysemy • Pragmaticalization: a process of change whose endpoint is a Polyfunctionality goft-æm [ CP ( ke ) mi-r-æm] goft-æm [ CP ( ke ) mi-r-æm] • FUNCTIONAL pragmatic or discourse function FUNCTIONAL say. PST +1 SG that CONT +go+1 SG say. PST +1 SG that CONT +go+1 SG (Erman & Kostinas 1993, Aijmer 1997 ) Heterosemy: where a word ‘I said that I’ll go.’ ‘I said that I’ll go.’ • belongs to two different categories, e.g. non-finite to You know that cars are expensive. and preposition to (Lichtenberk 1991, Diewald bæ’d æz in ke ‘after’ You know the answer. bæ’d æz in ke ‘after’ LEXICAL LEXICAL 2013) April 28, 2017 Ghomeshi NACIL1 presentation 11 April 28, 2017 Ghomeshi NACIL1 presentation 12

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