STUDENT FINANCING: THE BRAZILIAN CASE (with some insights from and - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

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STUDENT FINANCING: THE BRAZILIAN CASE (with some insights from and - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

Developed by Paulo A. Meyer M. Nascimento HIGHER EDUCATION This material can be used so long as the author is cited STUDENT FINANCING: THE BRAZILIAN CASE (with some insights from and on the US) PAULO A. MEYER M. NASCIMENTO Spring 2017


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SLIDE 1

HIGHER EDUCATION STUDENT FINANCING: THE BRAZILIAN CASE

(with some insights from and on the US)

PAULO A. MEYER M. NASCIMENTO

Spring 2017

Developed by Paulo A. Meyer M. Nascimento This material can be used so long as the author is cited

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SLIDE 2

senator

  • r BERNIE

E SAND NDERS

“I believe that every kid in this country who has the ability and the desire should be able to get a higher education degree, regardless

  • f the income of his or her

family”

Source: http://www.cnn.com/2016/02/03/politics/bernie-sanders-free-college-costs/

Developed by Paulo A. Meyer M. Nascimento This material can be used so long as the author is cited

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SLIDE 3

Diffuse consensus … … confusing dissent:

Who would stand against such a goal? The challenge is how to achieve it!

Developed by Paulo A. Meyer M. Nascimento This material can be used so long as the author is cited

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SLIDE 4

Senator Bernie Sanders seeks to achieve it through a college for all act:

  • Eliminating undergraduate tuition at 4-year public

colleges and universities, splitting the bill between federal government (2/3) and state governments (1/3).

  • Reforming student loans, mainly by cutting interest

rates and enabling borrowers to refinance their loans.

  • Expanding the federal work study program.
  • Simplifying the student aid application process,

eliminating the requirement that students re-apply for financial aid each year.

  • Introducing a Robin Wood tax on Wall Street to

finance these reforms.

Developed by Paulo A. Meyer M. Nascimento This material can be used so long as the author is cited

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SLIDE 5

Is tuition-free college provision such a good idea?

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SLIDE 6

“There is no such thing as a free lunch”

“Schooling after the second grade plays

  • nly a minor role in creating or reducing

gaps”

MILTON TON FRIED EDMA MAN Nobel el laureate eate in Econo

  • nomic

mics JAMES MES HECKMA KMAN Nobel el laureate eate in Econo

  • nomic

mics

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SLIDE 7

40 60 80 100 120 140 160 180 200 220 240 260 280 300

Below upper secondary All tertiary short-cycle tertiary Bachelor's or equivalent Master's, doctoral or equivalent

Index

Master's, doctoral or equivalent: Brazil 434 Chile 444, Mexico 307

Relative earnings of adults working full-time, by educational attainment (2014).

25-64 year-olds with income from employment; upper secondary education (high school) = 100

Source: OECD (2016), Education at a glance.

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SLIDE 8

Whether educational services should be free of charge or not is a political decision

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SLIDE 9

Capital market failures, equality

  • f access goals and the potential

presence of positive externalities and spillovers are the usual key theoretical arguments for government active role in the provision and finance of postsecondary education Public budget constraints and high average private rates of return emphasize the need for increasing the cost participation share of direct beneficiaries

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Students Initial College Attendance Continued College Attendance (repeated) College Outcomes (degree, job) Family and Individual Background Financial Aid & Loans Institutions and Gov’t

If tuition fees exist, the yellow balloon in the chart bellow becomes a central policy issue

(especially if the diffuse consensus expressed in Sanders’ discourse is indeed a society goal)

Chart extracted (with minor adaptations) from Eric Bettinger’s keynote speech at ABAVE 2015 Meeting in Brazil.

Developed by Paulo A. Meyer M. Nascimento This material can be used so long as the author is cited

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SLIDE 11

GABR ABRIEL IEL BETA TANCOUR COURT MEJÍA ÍA Colombi mbian an economist mist, , diplo lomat mat and politic tician ian

“El crédito educativo se fundamenta en un principio: se le presta al estudiante para que pague el profesional”

Student loans are not a new concept: private student credit agencies exist in the US since the 19th century, with Harvard University being the pioneer in creating its own in 1838 (Fuller, 2014). However, institutionalizing educational credit as a public policy was an idea first developed by Gabriel Betancourt Mejía, who wrote a thesis in 1943 as a result

  • f his own experience in borrowing to pursue a degree

(Woodhall, 1983; Betancourt-Mejía, 1992). The Colombian educational credit agency, established in 1950, was the first of a public nature. Henceforth, government-run student loan programs have been adopted by an increasing number of countries (Nascimento, 2016). Developed by Paulo A. Meyer M. Nascimento This material can be used so long as the author is cited

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SLIDE 12

Chart extracted from Dynarski (2016).

A bit on the US student debt crisis

  • Who defaults on student loans?
  • Could free community colleges solve

this problem?

  • Could a more flexible student loan

system work out?

Developed by Paulo A. Meyer M. Nascimento This material can be used so long as the author is cited

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SLIDE 13

Who defaults in student loans in the US? Could free community colleges solve this problem? Could a more flexible student loan system work out?

Bringing prices at community colleges back to their historic standard – near zero – would be one way to reduce borrowing and, thereby, debt distress, but this would not end the debt problems of those who attend for-profit institutions (Dynarski, 2016). Yes! Lengthening the horizon of loan repayment, linking payments to current income, and collecting instalments through the same mechanisms by which the Government collects income taxes and social security contributions. Increase in default is mostly associated with the rise in the number of borrowers at for- profit schools and, to a lesser extent, 2-year institutions (mainly community colleges) and certain other non- selective institutions (Looney and Yannelis, 2015).

34% of those borrowing under $5,000; only 18% of those borrowing more than $100,000.

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Time-based repayment loans (TBRL) can turn out to be very difficult to be managed by graduates!

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Repayment burdens (RBs) may become too high for some graduates, e.g. low-earner females:

Brazil: RBs by age for females with a FIES loan of $14,000 US: RBs by age for females with a Stafford Loan of $20,000

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 REPAYMENT BURDENS (RB), PROPORTION OF INCOME AGE Source: Nascimento (unpublished).

AGE RB for the 10th percentile RB for the 20th percentile RB for the 50th percentile

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% 120% 140% 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 REPAYMENT BURDEN (RB), PROPORTION OF INCOME AGE Source: Chapman & Dearden (2017).

Developed by Paulo A. Meyer M. Nascimento This material can be used so long as the author is cited

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Income-contingent loans (ICLs) guarantee free access during the study period, insure against default and repayment difficulties after graduation, deal better with the trade-off between RBs and implicit subsidies, and take advantage

  • f the transaction efficiencies

associated with government monopoly on the collection of income tax and social security contributions.

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MILTO TON N FRIEDMA EDMAN Nobel el laureate eate in Econo

  • nomic

mics

Underinvestment in human capital presumably reflects an imperfection in the capital market. [A solution] would be to “buy” a share in an individual’s earning prospects: to advance him the funds needed to finance his training on condition that he agree to pay the lender a specified fraction of his future earnings. (Friedman, 1955)

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SLIDE 18

James Tobin proposed a very similar idea and even attempted to implement it at Yale University, his home institution. Although the Yale program proved difficult to administer, one of Tobin’s students would later bring the idea to Australia and show that income- contingent lending could work at the national level, so long as the national tax authority was put in charge of collection. (Moss, 2012)

JAMES MES TOBI BIN Nobel el laureate eate in Econo

  • nomic

mics

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Proponents such as Chapman and Barr are seeking to secure an appropriate level of instructional costsharing between families and taxpayers and also to make the share borne by students manageable and not to distort the decision to attend and persist in an appropriate institution and program. At the same time, some proponents—such as Milton Friedman, the father of the concept—are as or more interested in eliminating altogether— or at least minimizing—the taxpayer subsidization of higher education. And in a similar vein, in countries with large and important private higher educational sectors, such as the United States, [some] may see income contingent loans mainly as a means to greatly raise public sector tuition fees and thereby to lessen the tuition price disparities that they view as unfair competition. (Johnstone, 2016)

BRUCE CE JOHNSTON STONE University rsity at at Buffalo

It is now clear that income contingent arrangements can be designed to be administratively feasible, even straightforward. As well, the revenue potential for higher education is considerable. Perhaps most importantly, the Australian experience with HECS reveals strongly that even a radical movement away from a no- charge system can be instituted without jeopardising the participation of disadvantaged potential students; this is all traceable to income contingent repayment. (Chapman, 1997) In the absence of any subsidy, an individual's investment in a degree would confer a 'dividend' on future taxpayers. [This] gives an efficiency case for some subsidy, [but] the greater the public- sector subsidy to higher education the greater the pressure on the system not to grow. The introduction of private funds is central to the expansion of student number. [ICLs] offer the borrower insurance against potential future poverty, a feature of greater relevance the higher the applicant's degree of risk aversion. (Barr, 1993)

BRUCE CE CHAPMAN Austr tralian Nation tional Universit rsity NICH CHOL OLAS S BARR London

  • n Schoo
  • ol of
  • f Econom
  • mics

cs

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Income contingent loan programs run by governments represent an important social innovation, an improvement over previous mechanisms for funding investment like education and now showing its merits in a host of other arena. (Stiglitz, 2016)

JOSEP EPH H STIGL GLITZ TZ Nobel el laureate eate in Econo

  • nomic

mics

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Bills to introduce a broadly-based ICL for higher education have been proposed in 2012, 2013, 2015 and 2017 in the US Congress (the Earnings Contingent Education Loans – ExCEL Acts). None of them has ever passed.

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There are four income-driven repayment

  • ptions for federal student loan borrowers

in the US; None of them are the default repayment plan – the automatic option is a 10-year mortgage-style fixed payment; All of them are based on past income; Borrowers opting out for one of the income- driven repayment plans have to reapply every year, going through complicated financial paperwork year by year and again if their income change; Process matters: those who most need a helping hand are probably the least able to navigate this bureaucracy.

Revised Pay As You Earn Repayment Plan (REPAYE Plan) Pay As You Earn Repayment Plan (PAYE Plan) Income-Based Repayment Plan (IBR Plan) Income-Contingent Repayment Plan (ICR Plan)

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REPAYMENT PLAN AVAILABLE? ELIGIBILITY MONTHLY PAYMENT DISCHARGE AFTER

Revised Pay As You Earn (REPAYE) Now (since December 17, 2015) All Direct student loan borrowers. No partial financial hardship (PFH) requirement 10% of discretionary income 20 years if repaying only undergraduate debt; 25 years if repaying any graduate debt Income-Based Repayment (2014 IBR) Now (since July 1, 2014) Borrowers who take out their first loan

  • n or after July 1, 2014, and have a PFH.

10% of discretionary income, up to the fixed 10-year payment amount 20 years Pay As You Earn (PAYE) Now (since 2012) Direct student loan borrowers who took

  • ut their first loan after September 30,

2007 and at least one loan after September 30, 2011, and have a PFH 10% of discretionary income, up to the fixed 10-year payment amount 20 years Income-Based Repayment (Original IBR) Now (since 2009) All federal student loan borrowers (Direct Loan or Federal Family Education Loan – FFEL) with a PFH 15% of discretionary income, up to the fixed 10-year payment amount 25 years Income- Contingent Repayment (ICR) Now (since 1994) All Direct Loan borrowers. No PFH requirement The lesser of: 20% of discretionary income or 12- year repayment amount x income percentage factor 25 years

Extracted from: http://www.ibrinfo.org/what.vp.html

SUMMARY OF THE CURRENT INCOME-DRIVEN REPAYMENT PLANS IN THE US

Developed by Paulo A. Meyer M. Nascimento This material can be used so long as the author is cited

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During his campaign, President Trump said he would change the terms of the income-driven repayment plans so that payments would be capped at 12.5% of discretionary income and any remaining debt would be forgiven after 15 years.

http://money.cnn.com/2017/04/21/pf/college/trump-student-loans-betsy- devos/

During the Republican party presidential primaries, Bush proposed to replace student loans with a $50,000 line of credit that is repaid solely based on

  • income. Students would pay 1% of their income for 25

years for each $10,000 that they access to pay for their college educations. No interest would be charged and total payments would be capped at 1.75 times the original amount borrowed.

https://www.brookings.edu/research/jeb-bushs-student-loan-plan-should-outlive-his-campaign/

Clinton’s platform incorporated many

  • f Sanders’ ideas and promised also to

make it easier for borrowers to enroll in income-driven repayment plans that would cap monthly payments at 10% of discretionary income.

https://www.hillaryclinton.com/briefing/factsheets/2016/07/06/hillary

  • clintons-commitment-a-debt-free-future-for-americas-graduates/

Senator Sanders’ policy proposals for student loans are condensed in his College for All Act, discussed earlier in this presentation.

St Studen udent lo loan ans on

  • n the 201

016 US US Presidential sidential electi ctions

  • ns

DONALD LD TRUMP Presi sident dent of

  • f the Unite

ted d States tes JEB BUSH Former er Gov

  • ver

erno nor of

  • f Flor
  • rida

HIL ILLA LARY RY CLIN INTO TON Former er US Senat ator

  • r

BERNI NIE E SANDER DERS US Senat ator

  • r

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Characteristics of a good loan design (i)

Income-contingent repayments based on current earnings. A write-off after n years, or at retirement or death. Repayment threshold and repayment rate chosen so that: A graduate with ‘good’ earnings repays (in present value terms) 100 per cent, or for high earners perhaps more than 100 per cent, in the latter case with a cap on maximum overpayment (in present value terms) by any individual, to avoid the “Mick Jagger problem”. As far as possible seeks to avoid distortions, e.g. large cliff edges

  • r wedges.

Implicit subsidy should be concentrated on people with low lifetime earnings. Loss

  • n
  • ther

borrowers should be minimal (therefore, interest-rate subsidies should be particularly avoided, as they benefit everyone, including the wealthiest).

Source: Barr, Chapman, Dearden & Dynarski (2017).

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Characteristics of a good loan design (ii)

Fiscal parsimony of loan design matters, not out of a sense of the purity of the loan, but because loans that make avoidable losses reduce their capacity to fulfil their core purpose of facilitating investment in human capital. Expensive loans restrict one or more of: The number of loans that are made available; The size of loans; Student numbers; The breadth of the loan system, e.g. not covering living costs,

  • r excluding part-time students, postgraduate students and

students in sub-degree tertiary education; Spending on more powerful pro-access policies, including earlier in the system.

Source: Barr, Chapman, Dearden & Dynarski (2017).

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Characteristics of a good loan design (iii)

Financing non-repayment. The design question is where the loss on low- earning borrowers should fall: (a) on the taxpayer, implying ex post subsidies at potentially large fiscal costs, creating downward pressure on the number and/or size of loans and crowding out other beneficial activities; (b) on the cohort of borrowers through:

  • a cohort risk premium (that is, an interest rate significantly above the

government’s cost of borrowing) or

  • A surcharge.

With a small loan any of these methods can work. The larger the loan the greater the marginal loss. If loans are large, excessive reliance on any one method is generally suboptimal, because large losses require substantial ex-post subsidies, risk premia or surcharges. Substantial risk premia or surcharges raise the prospect of adverse selection and may create political problems.

Source: Barr, Chapman, Dearden & Dynarski (2017).

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SLIDE 28

Developed by Paulo A. Meyer M. Nascimento This material can be used so long as the author is cited

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There are 205.8 million citizens living in this middle-income commodity- producer mostly Christian and urban country situated in South America. Brazil is still a young nation, but current favorable age structure will begin to shift around 2025. Inequality is high, but public pensions reduce poverty among the elderly, and in the last 20 years Bolsa Familia and other social programs have lifted tens of millions out of poverty. Only 14% of 25-64 years-old hold tertiary degrees, whereas the OECD average is 35%.

Let’s talk about Brazil!

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SLIDE 30

0.0% 10.0% 20.0% 30.0% 40.0% 50.0% 60.0% 70.0% 80.0% 90.0% 100.0% 0.00 2,000.00 4,000.00 6,000.00 8,000.00 10,000.00 12,000.00 14,000.00 16,000.00 18,000.00

K-12 education Higher education Brazil / OECD (in %) public expenditure per student (in USD PPP) OECD average Brazil Brazil / OECD average

Public expenditures per student in K-12 x Higher education, Brazil x OECD

Source: OECD. Chart adapted from Nascimento and Verhine (2017).

Developed by Paulo A. Meyer M. Nascimento This material can be used so long as the author is cited

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Approved by law, the 2014-2024 National Plan for Education (NPE) sets three targets for higher education:

Indicator The target for 2024 How it was in 2014 Enrolments as a proportion of the 18-24 years-old population 50% 34.2% Proportion of 18-24 years-old Brazilians enrolled in higher education 33% 17.7% New enrolments in public institutions as a proportion of total new enrolments 40% 5.5%

million people were enrolled in undergraduate programs in Brazil in 2015

  • f the enrolments were in the private sector, mostly in low-quality colleges

Developed by Paulo A. Meyer M. Nascimento This material can be used so long as the author is cited

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Major constraints to reach NPE targets for higher education

  • Low completion rates of secondary education: just
  • ver 50% of the 18-24 years-old Brazilians have

completed secondary schooling.

  • Low learning performance in secondary

education: PISA results for Brazil improved substantially in the first editions, but high proportions of students still perform poorly in all three assessed subjects – and improvements in recent editions are marginal.

  • Fiscal austerity: a Constitutional bill approved by

the Brazilian Congress limits the growth of public spending to the rate of inflation for the next 20 years.

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Using a sample of over 3000 first year university entrants in Greece, Psacharopoulos & Papakonstantinou (2005) find that families spend privately more than the state in order to prepare for the entrance examinations and while studying at the university. In addition, poorer families spend a higher share of their income

  • n the education of their

children.

Meanwhile, in another constitutionally “free for all” higher education country…

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The policy scene for student finance in Brazil

  • Historically, there has been strong political opposition in

Brazil to the introduction of tuition fees in public higher education institutions (public HEI).

  • Tertiary education free of charge in public-administrated

institutions is guaranteed by the Brazilian Constitution.

  • Changing it is still difficult at present, but increasing numbers
  • f economists, social scientists and politicians have been

advocating so.

  • There has been at least three constitutional amendments

proposed in the Brazilian Congress to put this “gratuity” in relative terms.

  • However, the current government seems to have other fiscal

priorities and lacks popularity to approve a wider agenda.

  • For the moment, reforming FIES is the trending topic when it

comes to higher education funding policies in Brazil.

Developed by Paulo A. Meyer M. Nascimento This material can be used so long as the author is cited

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A federal student loan program designed to defer fees for low-income students enrolled in undergraduate programs run by private higher education institutions (private HEI). It exists since 1999, but it was much less important until reforms undertaken in 2010, which reduced interest rates, extended eligibility to students from middle income families and substantially raised the program’s budget (11.4 times in real terms between 2010 and 2014). In 2014, Fies new contracts were as many as the equivalent to 44% of new enrolments in private HEI (Corbucci, Kubota and Meira, 2016). 1.5 year later, FIES’ budget started to be cut, interest rates were raised and eligibility was restricted to low-income students with a minimal performance in the National High School Exam (ENEM). Government is discussing alternatives for a complete redesign of FIES.

Wh What it it is is

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SLIDE 36

FIES’ growth in recent years (2005=100)

100 200 300 400 500 600 700 800 900 1000 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 PROUNI (new scholarships) FIES (new loans) new entrants in private HEI

Source: FNDE and INEP. Chart extracted from Nascimento (unpublished)

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My current research work:

  • Investigating the impact
  • f FIES on enrollments,

program choices, and drop out rates.

  • Simulating ICL designs for

a broad reform on higher education student financing in Brazil. Developed by Paulo A. Meyer M. Nascimento This material can be used so long as the author is cited

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SLIDE 38

Simulating eight ICL scenarios

either four or six thresholds (-4T

  • r -6T); either

higher or lower threshold (-HT

  • r -LT)

either on marginal income (_MI-)

  • r on total

income (_TI-) either with (ICL-15_) or without (ICL- NS_) interest rate subsidy

ICL-15_ ICL-NS_ _MI-

  • 4T
  • 6T

_TI-

  • HT
  • LT

Source: Nascimento (unpublished)

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SLIDE 39

Gvrmnt real cost of borrowing Real rate

  • f interest

in ICL-15 scenarios Real rate

  • f interest

in ICL-NS scenarios Thresholds on monthly income Personal income tax burdens Thresholds for MI-4T scenarios Thresholds for MI-6T scenarios

Thresholds

for TI scenarios Repayment burdens (RB) for MI scenarios Repayment burden (RB) for TI scenarios 4T 6T HT LT 5.0% per annum 1.9% per annum 5.0% per annum BRL 1,174.12 (USD 367)

  • 1

LT

  • 2.0%
  • 8.0%

BRL 1,787.78 (USD 559) 7.0% 1 2 HT 3.75% 3.75% 8.0% BRL 2,679.30 (USD 837) 15.0% 2 3 TI scenarios have only the initial threshold, which will be either LT or HT 7.5% 7.5% BRL 3,572.44 (USD 1,116) 22.5% 3 4 11.25% 11.25% BRL 4,463.81 (USD 1,395) 27.5% 4 5 13.75% 13.75% BRL 5,936.87 (USD 1,855) + No change

  • n RB

6 18.0%

The ICL scenarios’ parameters

Nascimento (unpublished).

Simulations consider student loan repayments being collected before income tax or social security contributions.

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SLIDE 40

0% 2% 4% 6% 8% 10% 12% 14% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% LINE: EFFECTIVE RB (IN %) AREAS: IMPLICIT SUBSIDY (IN %) PERCENTILES OF GRADUATES' INCOME (FEMALE ONLY) 0% 2% 4% 6% 8% 10% 12% 14% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% LINE: EFFECTIVE RB (IN %) AREAS: IMPLICIT SUBSIDY (IN %) PERCENTILES OF GRADUATES' INCOME (FEMALE ONLY)

Overall implicit subsidy: females, 43%; males, 23% Overall implicit subsidy: females, 57%; males, 41%

Overall implicit subsidy + default rate for FIES (currently time-based):

51%

Source: Nascimento (unpublished) interest rate at the same level as FIES’ 2015 new contracts (ICL-15_MI-6T scenario) interest rate set at the government’s cost of borrowing (ICL-NS_MI-6T scenario)

interest-rate subsidy (i

written-off-debt subsidy (i

Developed by Paulo A. Meyer M. Nascimento This material can be used so long as the author is cited

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SLIDE 41

A BROAD INCOME CONTINGENT LOAN FOR BRAZIL?

Developed by Paulo A. Meyer M. Nascimento This material can be used so long as the author is cited

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SLIDE 42

Is Brazil institutionally prepared for a comprehensive national ICL for higher ed?

  • The Brazilian federal government annually collects information on every

single enrolment in higher education, from both public and private sectors.

  • Income tax and social security contributions are also collected by the federal

government.

  • FIES is administrated by a federal government entity as well.
  • The cadastro único – the administrative data on people and families

eligible to income transfer and other social benefits – helps to identify graduates who are indeed poor.

  • These mechanisms are operated electronically and can easily be linked one

to the others by an identification key common to all of them: the individual national insurance number (CPF).

  • Number of emigrants is negligible relative to Brazil's total population;

number of international students are very low in Brazil as well.

  • Brazil’s censuses, household surveys, tax records and wide range of

administrative datasets provide rich information on the key variables to construct evidence-based ICL arrangements.

Developed by Paulo A. Meyer M. Nascimento This material can be used so long as the author is cited

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General lines for a broad reform

  • Converting FIES into an income contingent loan scheme.
  • Extending FIES to the currently free public HEI.
  • Fees in public HEI would initially follow the fee levels paid by FIES for

similar tertiary programs offered in the private sector.

  • Repayment revenue would be transferred to the public HEI where

graduates studied.

  • The government would keep putting money into public HEI, frozen

at 2015 expenditure real levels (recall the bill tying public spending to inflation rate for the next 20 years).

  • Eligible places for private HEI would initially be means-tested on

income and performance on the National High School Exam (ENEM) + restricted to HEI performing well at the National Assessment for Higher Education (ENADE). Later on it could be linked to the proportion of loan recovery related to past loan disbursements.

  • Graduates neither reached by the income tax office nor registered in

cadastro único would be charged large fixed instalments – large enough to provide incentives for these graduates to reveal their income levels.

Developed by Paulo A. Meyer M. Nascimento This material can be used so long as the author is cited

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SLIDE 44

Developed by Paulo A. Meyer M. Nascimento This material can be used so long as the author is cited

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SLIDE 45

To access a reference cited in this presentation, simply click on it when it appears and you will be redirected to a link to read or download it (not all references cited hereinbefore are available without a subscription, unfortunately). The only reference you may not find online is the one by Nascimento, from which this presentation reports repayment burdens for the Brazilian time-based student loan program as well as results for simulations

  • f income contingent loans for Brazil. That reference

was not published yet at the time of this presentation. How to cite this presentation: Nascimento, P. A. M. M. (2017, May 30th). Higher education student financing: the Brazilian case (with some insights from and on the US). Seminar presented at Stanford Graduate School of Education, Lemann Center for Entrepreneurship and Educational Innovation in Brazil.

Developed by Paulo A. Meyer M. Nascimento This material can be used so long as the author is cited

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SLIDE 46

paulo.nascimento@ipea.gov.br

Developed by Paulo A. Meyer M. Nascimento This material can be used so long as the author is cited