Private Equity: A marxist case against - and an alternative - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

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Private Equity: A marxist case against - and an alternative - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

Private Equity: A marxist case against - and an alternative consistent with the National Democratic Revolution presentation to Unemployment Insurance Fund 15 October 2013, Pretoria by Patrick Bond University of KwaZulu-Natal School of Built


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Private Equity: A marxist case against - and an alternative consistent with the National Democratic Revolution

presentation to Unemployment Insurance Fund 15 October 2013, Pretoria

by Patrick Bond

University of KwaZulu-Natal School of Built Environment and Development Studies, Durban (http://ccs.ukzn.ac.za)

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Mandate given by UIF for discussion

  • brief background on “private equity” in South Africa

(including risk and performance aspects);

  • advantages of having such an asset class in your

portfolio;

  • industry challenges currently being experienced in

the private equity sphere;

  • imperatives experienced regarding this asset class;
  • risk management controls that should be

considered.

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Mandate for discussion - reinterpreted

  • background: private equity is essentially “rebranding
  • f leveraged buyouts” (Bloomberg), a.k.a. venture

capital, distressed investments, mezzanine capital

  • in SA, private equity is still relatively small beer (just

R126 bn), dominated by major international holdings (44% of 2012 funds were foreign sourced);

  • disadvantages: too speculative; lack of transparency

and control (including over corruption, but also debt/equity); asset-stripping; illiquidity; and divergence from national developmental agenda

  • avoid private equity; and
  • rethink overall relations with local/global finance
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uneven development and capitalist crisis:

current stage of financial destruction

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Ugandan Marxist Dani Nabudere (1928-2011) thesis vindicated

The Crash of International Finance Capital

and

The Rise and Fall of Money Capital

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http://davidharvey.org

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finance delinks from world’s real economy:

market value of financial assets and aggregate global GDP at current prices (billion US$)

Source : Leda Paulani, USP with McKinsey Global Report data

10

fin.assets GDP

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‘overaccumulation’ and financialisation:

sources of decline in US manufactuing profits

  • US corporate profits derived much less

from manufacturing products;

  • much greater sources of profits from

abroad;

  • profits also came more from returns on

financial assets.

  • Source: Gerard Dumenil and Dominique Levy

crisis of surplus value extraction ‘temporal fix’ ‘spatial fix’

GDP stagnation

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US corporate profits become finance- addicted in mid-1980s

(source: John Bellamy Foster and Fred Magdoff, 2009)

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‘hollowing corporations’ from mid-1980s

(source: John Bellamy Foster and Fred Magdoff, 2009)

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US economy becomes debt-addicted from early 1980s

(source: John Bellamy Foster and Fred Magdoff, 2009)

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  • veraccumulation of

capital remained through 1980s-2000s

(source: John Bellamy Foster and Fred Magdoff, 2009)

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2008-09 production crash in historical terms

Initially as bad as 1929

Source: Eichengreen and O’Rourke

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2008-09 trade crash in historical terms

A worse crisis than 1929!

Source: Eichengreen and O’Rourke

Initially worse than 1929

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2008-09 stock market crash in historical terms

Source: Eichengreen and O’Rourke

Initially worse than 1929

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desperate return to credit Keynesianism

deficit spending (USA reached 13% of GDP)

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wealthy governments’ debt reached (political) ceiling

vast increase mainly reflects bailout of US and European banks in late 2008

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Source: IMF, Global Financial Stability Report, April 2010

‘temporal fixes’: derivatives, ‘Quantitative Easing’

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stock market volatility: all markets in ‘08

Source: Unctad

sometimes the contradictions burst … with widespread loss

  • f paper wealth
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commodity devaluations:

change in prices, July – December 2008

Source: Unctad, The Global Economic Crisis, May 2009

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Strong capital investment by the public sector, the addition of electricity-generating capacity, relatively stable inflation and low interest rates are expected to support improved growth rates over the medium term… the SA economy will grow by 2,7% during 2013, 3,5% in 2014 and 3,8% in 2015

debatable UIF assumptions

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The Economist, 25 Feb 2009

what most official statements ignore:

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National Development Plan: ‘SA today has much to celebrate on the economy’

… NDP

Diagnostic Report: “Unemploy

  • ment

levels decreasing since 2002”

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in reality, from 2008-11, SA lost more jobs than any in G20 aside from Spain ‘Unemployment levels are decreasing since 2002’

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SA labour market is TOO flexible:

SA workers amongst G20’s least protected

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SA labour market is TOO flexible:

SA workers amongst G20’s least protected

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declining SA manufacturing profit rate

1948 1955 1965 1975 1986 Source: Nicoli Nattrass, Transformation 1989 Rate of Profit (as % of capital stock)‏

deep-rooted capitalist stagnation due to ‘overaccumulation crisis’ (and then 1985 banking crisis) finally responsible for late 1980s break between white Johannesburg capital and racist Pretoria government

similar US profit decline

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declining SA manufacturing profits from 1989-present

in relation to finance, insurance & real estate

Source: Dani Rodrik, Harvard

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1948 1955 1965 1975 1986 Source: Nicoli Nattrass, Transformation 1989 Rate of Profit (as % of capital stock)‏

similar US profit decline

South African total profit rate, 1970-2010

net operating surplus/capital stock

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SA financial volatility and capital flows

political liberation financial liberalisation

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currency volatility, 1982-2004

Source: Stephen Gelb, Edge Institute

Mid-1980s near-revolution Post-apartheid macroeconomic ‘stability’

Liberation

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five currency crashes, 1996-2008 (2 since)

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interest rate reactions

Source of graphs: UNDP SA HDR 2003

highest ‘real’ (after-inflation) rate in SA history

removal of financial rand exchange controls, March 1995

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  • nly Greece has had higher long-

term real interest rate (Feb 2011)

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SA banking profits amongst world’s highest‏

(return on equity, 1996-2005)

Source: ABSA Bank testimony to Competition Commission

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during 2006-08, SA bank lending soared from 100-135% of GDP

Source: SA Reserve Bank

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SA economy driven by consumers, in turn driven by credit surge

Source: IMF

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consumer debt reaches unprecedented heights

Source: SA Treasury

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but credit card and home mortgage bond ‘non-performing loans’ soared since 2007

Source: IMF Executive Board Article IV Consultation, October 2008

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financialisation’s shocking increases in borrowers’ “impaired credit”: 2.3 mn newly blacklisted!

consumer credit market failure

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SA: world’s biggest property bubble

389% increase, 1997-2008

responsible for construction and finance (motor of economy, jobs)

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with new blips in 2009 and 2011 still very overpriced

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and Johannesburg Stock Exchange speculation continues

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investment reaction to stagnation: capital strike English-speaking capital escapes to London

SA’s biggest firms moved offshore, many after getting permission by Trevor Manuel to relist financial hq on London Stock Exchange Anglo American, DeBeers, Old Mutual, SA Breweries, Investec, Didata, Gencor (BHP Billiton), Liberty Life

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a central factor: overproduction

(proxy: manufacturing capacity utilisation)‏

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capital intensity also killed a portion

  • f manufacturing employment

Source: Dani Rodrik, Harvard

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imported products killed a large share

  • f manufacturing employment

Source: Dani Rodrik, Harvard

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SA private-sector jobs crisis continues

Gross fixed capital formation components of investment: renewed deindustrialisation since 2008

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labour market failure

‘reserve army’ of unemployed youth

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workers lost ground to capital

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  • verall, SA workers lost wages

compared to capital’s profits

Wages/profits in 1994: 54/46 Wages/profits in 2011: 43/57

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Moeletsi Mbeki:

“Big companies taking their capital out of South Africa are a bigger threat to economic freedom than ANC Youth League president Julius Malema.”

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debt due to “current account deficit”,

mainly dividend/profit/interest outflows trade deficit

  • ur capital outflow
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belated fixed investment rise: state megaprojects (e.g. stadia, Gautrain, Medupi, Coega, SAA, arms) – but domestic savings don’t keep up

Source: SA Treasury

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hence the need to attract more foreign savings, making SA vulnerable to rapid swings, leading in turn to dramatic increases in foreign debt

Source: SA Treasury

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major source of foreign debt: SA bank borrowing

Source: SA Treasury

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if private debt also incorporated: from $25 billion in 1994 to $140 billion in 2013

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inequality indices, 1993-2006:

worse today than apartheid

1993 2000 2008 African 0.54 0.60 0.62 Coloured 0.44 0.53 0.54 Asian/Indian 0.47 0.51 0.61 White 0.43 0.47 0.50 Rural 0.58 0.62 0.56 Urban 0.61 0.64 0.67 Overall 0.66 0.68 0.70

Source: OECD 2010

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inequality in 2011

SA is worst amongst large societies

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SA’s high social protest rate

3000 violent (thousands more non-violent) from 2009-12

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SA has far lower debt than peer economies Malaysia, Brazil, Argentina, Thailand should Pretoria spend more to reduce inequality and meet vast socio-economic needs?

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SA Treasury’s (brief) Keynesian moment

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20th c. South African growth/decline

deglobalisation: growth of infant industries during Great Depression globalisation and world stagnation

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1930s-40s SA growth

  • lower foreign direct

investment, loans, trade

  • globalisation disrupted by

Great Depression, WWII

  • birth of secondary

manufacturing industry (beyond mining equipment sector)

  • rate of growth of the

black wage share rose more than 50 percent (from 11 percent to 17 percent; black share only hit 21 percent in 1970)

  • verall GDP growth rate

(8 percent) from 1931-46 was fastest recorded in modern SA history

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The alternative: Sweden’s “Meidner Plan”

It was the Rehn-Meidner model which attended to the series of related economic management issues that underwrote Sweden's postwar prosperity. Full employment was ensured by comprehensive 'labor market' training, retraining and relocation measures to facilitate structural change and maintain

  • productivity. The resulting Labor Market Board (Arbetsmarknadsstyrelsen,

AMS) became, in the 1950s, Sweden's most powerful and competent public

  • institution. It was also tripartite, being managed jointly by trade unionists,

employers and state employees with a keen specialist understanding of sectoral

  • problems. It could deal with the short-term and localized unemployment

created by the normal cycles of corporate growth and industrial decline, and with 'normal' instances of structural adjustment. But, although large scale industrial disruption did not lead to job losses in Sweden until the 1990s, labor market policy was less equipped to handle the mass unemployment and global restructuring of the past 30 years. Geoff Dow http://www.ocnus.net/cgi-bin/exec/view.cgi?archive=98&num=25050