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See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/326207741 On prosodic structure. [slides] Conference Paper July 2018 CITATION READS 1 169 1 author: Daniel Hirst French National


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On prosodic structure. [slides]

Conference Paper · July 2018

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On prosodic structure 1/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

On prosodic structure

Daniel Hirst

Laboratoire Parole et Langage, CNRS and Aix-Marseille University daniel.hirst@lpl-aix.fr

2018-06-13 9th International Conference on Speech Prosody Poznań, Poland

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On prosodic structure 2/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

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On prosodic structure 3/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

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On prosodic structure 4/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Spoken Language

  • produced, transmitted and perceived as a continuous

stream of (respectively) physiological, acoustic and perceptual events.

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SLIDE 6

On prosodic structure 5/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Spoken Language

  • mentally represented as a prosodic structure only

partially related to the more abstract syntactic structure.

  • Classic model (from early 20° century):

Utterances

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SLIDE 7

On prosodic structure 5/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Spoken Language

  • mentally represented as a prosodic structure only

partially related to the more abstract syntactic structure.

  • Classic model (from early 20° century):

Utterances

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SLIDE 8

On prosodic structure 6/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Spoken Language

  • mentally represented as a hierarchical prosodic

structure only partially related to the more abstract syntactic structure.

  • Classic model (from early 20° century):

Utterances made up of groups of Intonational Phrases (IP).

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SLIDE 9

On prosodic structure 7/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Spoken Language

  • mentally represented as a hierarchical prosodic

structure only partially related to the more abstract syntactic structure.

  • Classic model (from early 20° century):

Utterances made up of groups of Intonational Phrases (IPs). IPs made up of groups of Stress Feet

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SLIDE 10

On prosodic structure 8/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Spoken Language

  • mentally represented as a hierarchical prosodic

structure only partially related to the more abstract syntactic structure.

  • Classic model (from early 20° century):

Utterances made up of groups of Intonational Phrases (IPs). IPs made up of groups of Stress Feet Stress feet made up of groups of Syllables

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SLIDE 11

On prosodic structure 9/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Spoken Language

  • mentally represented as a hierarchical prosodic

structure, only partially related to the more abstract syntactic structure.

  • Classic model (from early 20° century):

Utterances made up of groups of Intonational Phrases (IPs). IPs made up of groups of Stress Feet Stress feet made up of groups of Syllables Syllables made up of groups of Phones

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On prosodic structure 10/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Written Language

▶ ideas about prosodic structure infmuenced by

knowledge of written language utterances represented as linear sequence of discrete symbols fjnite set of characters special characters (spaces, punctuation marks) used as boundary symbols

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On prosodic structure 10/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Written Language

▶ ideas about prosodic structure infmuenced by

knowledge of written language

▶ utterances represented as linear sequence of discrete

symbols fjnite set of characters special characters (spaces, punctuation marks) used as boundary symbols

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SLIDE 14

On prosodic structure 10/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Written Language

▶ ideas about prosodic structure infmuenced by

knowledge of written language

▶ utterances represented as linear sequence of discrete

symbols

▶ fjnite set of characters

special characters (spaces, punctuation marks) used as boundary symbols

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SLIDE 15

On prosodic structure 10/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Written Language

▶ ideas about prosodic structure infmuenced by

knowledge of written language

▶ utterances represented as linear sequence of discrete

symbols

▶ fjnite set of characters ▶ special characters (spaces, punctuation marks) used

as boundary symbols

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On prosodic structure 11/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Punctuation

English Words, phrases and clauses are often separated by punctuation; but this is not always the same in every language: some languages, for example, don’t use semi-colons. Chinese 单词,短语和从句通常用标点符号分隔开, 但并不是每个语⾔都有相同的情况:有些语⾔, 例如,不使用分号。 Japanese 単語、句、節は、通常、句読点で区切られています。 しかし、これは全ての言語でいつも同じというわけ ではありません。一部の言語では、たとえば、 セミコロンは使いません。 Korean 일반적으로 단어와 문장 또는 절과 같은 단위들의 구분에는 구두점이 사용되지만, 그 내용과 용례는 언어마다 다르게 나타날 수 있다. 그 예로, 일부 언어들의 경우에는 세미콜론; 이 전혀 사용되지 않는다는 사실을 들 수 있겠다. Thai คำ, วลี, และประโยคม ั กจะแยกโดยวรรคตอนแต่นี่ก็ไม่เสมอเห มือนก ั นในทุกภาษา เช่น บางภาษาไม่ใช้จุดคู่กึ่ง

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On prosodic structure 12/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Constituent structure in phonology

▶ Ladd 2014 Simultaneous Structures in Phonology,

Oxford University Press: Work in the area of metrical phonology “has led to a variety of theoretical ideas about constituent structure in phonology (…) whose potential has, in my opinion, only begun to be explored.” [p. 50]

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On prosodic structure 13/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

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On prosodic structure 14/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

The Phone

▶ Infmuence of writing system, especially alphabetic

writing, particularly noticeable at the level of phones. almost one-one correspondance between letters and phones in word like

“s c r a m b l i n g” /s k r a m b l i ŋ/

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On prosodic structure 14/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

The Phone

▶ Infmuence of writing system, especially alphabetic

writing, particularly noticeable at the level of phones.

▶ almost one-one correspondance between letters and

phones in word like

“s c r a m b l i n g” /s k r a m b l i ŋ/

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On prosodic structure 15/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Consonant onset clusters

Simplifjed from Coleman (2005) Introducing Speech and Language Technology 1 2 3 4 [s, -] [p, t, k] [m,n] [b, d, g, f, θ, s, ʃ, -] [r, l, w, -] [v, ð, z, ʧ, ʤ, h, j] constraints: *pw, *bw, *fw, *tl, *dl, *θl, *sr

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On prosodic structure 15/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Consonant onset clusters

Simplifjed from Coleman (2005) Introducing Speech and Language Technology 1 2 3 4 [s, -] [p, t, k] [m,n] [b, d, g, f, θ, s, ʃ, -] [r, l, w, -] [v, ð, z, ʧ, ʤ, h, j] constraints: *pw, *bw, *fw, *tl, *dl, *θl, *sr

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On prosodic structure 16/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

The Single Segment Hypothesis

▶ Hirst (1985): English onset clusters can be represented as

a single underlying segment defjned by the features: [±cont; ±son; ±str; ±nas; ±voice; ±lab; ±cor; ±high]

▶ in a cluster, /s/ and /r/ are unmarked for place ▶ [-cont; +son; -nas], a sonorant stop, is linearised as stop

plus sonorant release (e.g. pR)

▶ [-cont; +str], a strident stop, is linearised as strident

  • nset plus stop (e.g. Sk)

▶ [-cont; +son; +str] a strident sonorant stop, is linearised

as strident onset plus stop plus sonorant release (e.g. SkW

▶ the inventory of 57 onsets for English, can each be

defjned by a unique single column of distinctive features

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On prosodic structure 17/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

57 English Onsets

▶ p, pR, pL, Sp, SpR, SpL, t, tR, tᵂ, St, StR, StW, ʧ, k, kR,

kL, kW, Sk, SkR, SkL, SkW

▶ b, bR, bL, d, dR, dW, ʤ, g, gR, gL, gW ▶ f, fR, fL, θ, θR,θW, s, sL, sW, ʃ, ʃR, ʃL ▶ v, vR, vL, ð ▶ m, Sm, n, Sn ▶ r, l, w, j, h

  • Maddieson (1984) found that inventories of consonants

range from 11 to 141

  • In languages with large consonant inventories, these
  • ften include what Sagey (1986) has described as

contour segments such as afgricates or prenasalised stops.

  • My analysis proposes to treat all consonant onsets in

English as contour segments.

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On prosodic structure 18/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Velar nasals and nasal vowels

▶ several languages (French, Polish, Portuguese…)

have nasal vowels in Midi (Southern) French, nasal vowels often denasalised plus homorganic nasal consonant: camper /kampe/, chanter /ʃante/, planquer /plaŋke/ when no following consonant, velar nasal: banc /baŋ/, bon /bɔŋ/, bien /bjɛŋ/ English velar nasal has defective distribution - only as coda defective distributions often sign of non-linear representation cf schwa in French, yer vowels in Russian

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On prosodic structure 18/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Velar nasals and nasal vowels

▶ several languages (French, Polish, Portuguese…)

have nasal vowels

▶ in Midi (Southern) French, nasal vowels often

denasalised plus homorganic nasal consonant: camper /kampe/, chanter /ʃante/, planquer /plaŋke/ when no following consonant, velar nasal: banc /baŋ/, bon /bɔŋ/, bien /bjɛŋ/ English velar nasal has defective distribution - only as coda defective distributions often sign of non-linear representation cf schwa in French, yer vowels in Russian

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On prosodic structure 18/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Velar nasals and nasal vowels

▶ several languages (French, Polish, Portuguese…)

have nasal vowels

▶ in Midi (Southern) French, nasal vowels often

denasalised plus homorganic nasal consonant: camper /kampe/, chanter /ʃante/, planquer /plaŋke/

▶ when no following consonant, velar nasal:

banc /baŋ/, bon /bɔŋ/, bien /bjɛŋ/ English velar nasal has defective distribution - only as coda defective distributions often sign of non-linear representation cf schwa in French, yer vowels in Russian

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SLIDE 28

On prosodic structure 18/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Velar nasals and nasal vowels

▶ several languages (French, Polish, Portuguese…)

have nasal vowels

▶ in Midi (Southern) French, nasal vowels often

denasalised plus homorganic nasal consonant: camper /kampe/, chanter /ʃante/, planquer /plaŋke/

▶ when no following consonant, velar nasal:

banc /baŋ/, bon /bɔŋ/, bien /bjɛŋ/

▶ English velar nasal has defective distribution - only

as coda defective distributions often sign of non-linear representation cf schwa in French, yer vowels in Russian

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SLIDE 29

On prosodic structure 18/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Velar nasals and nasal vowels

▶ several languages (French, Polish, Portuguese…)

have nasal vowels

▶ in Midi (Southern) French, nasal vowels often

denasalised plus homorganic nasal consonant: camper /kampe/, chanter /ʃante/, planquer /plaŋke/

▶ when no following consonant, velar nasal:

banc /baŋ/, bon /bɔŋ/, bien /bjɛŋ/

▶ English velar nasal has defective distribution - only

as coda

▶ defective distributions often sign of non-linear

representation cf schwa in French, yer vowels in Russian

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SLIDE 30

On prosodic structure 18/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Velar nasals and nasal vowels

▶ several languages (French, Polish, Portuguese…)

have nasal vowels

▶ in Midi (Southern) French, nasal vowels often

denasalised plus homorganic nasal consonant: camper /kampe/, chanter /ʃante/, planquer /plaŋke/

▶ when no following consonant, velar nasal:

banc /baŋ/, bon /bɔŋ/, bien /bjɛŋ/

▶ English velar nasal has defective distribution - only

as coda

▶ defective distributions often sign of non-linear

representation

▶ cf schwa in French, yer vowels in Russian

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On prosodic structure 19/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Nasal codas as linearisation of nasal vowels

▶ singer /sɪNə/ [sɪŋə] ▶ hinder /hɪNdə/ [hɪndə] ▶ timber /tɪNbə/ [tɪmbə] ▶ fjnger /fɪNgə/ [fɪŋgə]

and s c r a m b l i n g?

  • nly 4 segments:

/SkR aN bL ɪN/

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On prosodic structure 19/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Nasal codas as linearisation of nasal vowels

▶ singer /sɪNə/ [sɪŋə] ▶ hinder /hɪNdə/ [hɪndə] ▶ timber /tɪNbə/ [tɪmbə] ▶ fjnger /fɪNgə/ [fɪŋgə]

and s c r a m b l i n g? only 4 segments:

/SkR aN bL ɪN/

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On prosodic structure 20/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

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On prosodic structure 21/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Between Phones and Syllables: the Mora

▶ Trubetzkoy (1939) ▶ Unit of timing (cf Hyman (1985) weight units

(= moras)

▶ Moraic phonology (Hayes 1988, Broselow 1996) ▶ Syllable-initial consonants do not afgect the weight

  • f syllables (Allen 1973)
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On prosodic structure 22/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Moraic phonology

Onset consonants attached directly to syllable, not to a mora: ω σ s µ ɪ σ t µ i ω σ s µ ɪ µ t but why?

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On prosodic structure 23/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Coarticulation

Öhman (1966)

▶ study of nonsense VCV words pronounced by

English, Russian and Swedish speakers

▶ defjnite infmuence of the second vowel both on the

intermediate consonant and on the initial vowel. “We have clear evidence that the stop-consonant gestures are actually superimposed on a context-dependent vowel substrate that is present during all of the consonantal gesture.” [p. 165]

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On prosodic structure 24/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

C and V are simultaneous

s t i i μ μ

cf: see vs Sue

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SLIDE 38

On prosodic structure 25/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

C and V linked to same mora

ω µ s ɪ µ t i ω µ s ɪ µ t So do we need syllables?

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On prosodic structure 26/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

what about scrambling?

SkR

æN bL iN

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On prosodic structure 26/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

what about scrambling?

ω µ

SkR

æN µ bL iN

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On prosodic structure 27/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

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On prosodic structure 28/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

The foot

▶ Steele 1779 cadence or bar ▶ Abercrombie (1964), Halliday (1968) foot (stress

foot)

▶ Sequence of syllables with one stressed syllable and

any number of unstressed syllables

▶ Halliday represents initial unstressed syllables as

foot with silent ictus [ʌ] (like rest in musical notation)

▶ Crystal 1969, Cruttenden 1986, Tench 1996, Wells

2006

▶ Same prosodic constituent used for short-term

domains of melody (tone) and quantity (rhythm)

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On prosodic structure 29/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Tonal vs Rhythm Unit

▶ Jassem (1952) proposed distinct units for tonal and

rhythmic structure

▶ Beach (1938) “In Chinese, for example, the syllable is

universally accepted as the tone-unit, for the reason that practically every syllable of the language can mean difgerent things according to the way it is intoned… In Panjabi and Lahuda the tone-units are practically all disyllabic. In English and practically all other European languages the tone-unit is neither the syllable, nor even the word, but a phrase consisting

  • f one or more words.” (p 124).

▶ Tonal Unit and Narrow Rhythm Unit ▶ Tonal Unit (= Stress Foot), Narrow Rhythm Unit -

delimited by rhythmical juncture (word boundary)

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On prosodic structure 30/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Jassem’s model

TG TRU ANA they ex- NRU

  • pected

TRU ANA her e- NRU

  • lection

TRU ANA in Sep- NRU

  • tember

Summer dresses ≠ Some addresses ˈsʌmə ˈdresiz/ ≠ ˈsʌm əˈdresiz/ He bought her chocolates /hi ˈbɔ:thə ˈʧɒkləts/ (= for her) /hi ˈbɔ:t həˈʧɒkləts/ (= belonging to her)

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On prosodic structure 30/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Jassem’s model

TG TRU ANA they ex- NRU

  • pected

TRU ANA her e- NRU

  • lection

TRU ANA in Sep- NRU

  • tember

▶ Summer dresses ≠ Some addresses ▶ ˈsʌmə ˈdresiz/ ≠ ˈsʌm əˈdresiz/

He bought her chocolates /hi ˈbɔ:thə ˈʧɒkləts/ (= for her) /hi ˈbɔ:t həˈʧɒkləts/ (= belonging to her)

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On prosodic structure 30/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Jassem’s model

TG TRU ANA they ex- NRU

  • pected

TRU ANA her e- NRU

  • lection

TRU ANA in Sep- NRU

  • tember

▶ Summer dresses ≠ Some addresses ▶ ˈsʌmə ˈdresiz/ ≠ ˈsʌm əˈdresiz/ ▶ He bought her chocolates ▶ /hi ˈbɔ:thə ˈʧɒkləts/ (= for her) ▶ /hi ˈbɔ:t həˈʧɒkləts/ (= belonging to her)

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On prosodic structure 31/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Klatt’s Unsolved Problem

▶ Klatt (1987) after 20 years of research: “One of the

unsolved problems in the development of rule systems for speech timing is the size of the unit (segment, onset/rhyme, syllable, word) best employed to capture various timing phenomena”. (p. 760)

▶ Hirst & Bouzon (2005) ▶ 5.5 hour corpus of spoken English ▶ word boundaries important ▶ NRU better predictor of rhythm than Foot or Word

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On prosodic structure 32/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

ProZed

Hirst (2012, 2015) Rhythm Units ρ and Tonal Units τ in same representation:

IU τ ρ σ ̂ ρ σ they ρ σ ex- τ ρ σ

  • pec-

σ

  • ted

ρ σ her ρ σ e- τ ρ σ

  • lec-

σ

  • tion

ρ σ in ρ σ Sep- .τ ρ σ

  • tem-

σ

  • ber
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On prosodic structure 33/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

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On prosodic structure 34/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Intonation Unit

▶ Syntactic structure is recursive ▶ Prosodic structure is not recursive ▶ Couper-Kuhlen (1986:)

  • [ They feel like they’re a forgotten bit ] [ of a war ] [

that nobody wants to solve ]

  • [ They’ll leave it alone ] [ till it splatters out ] [ to a

deadly end ]

  • [ So here I am ] [ in the middle of the most enormous ]

[ movement ]

  • [ as if the whole world ] [ is hanging waiting on our

decision ]

  • [ which I found one of the most fascinating and most

interesting ] [ times of my life ]

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On prosodic structure 34/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Intonation Unit

▶ Syntactic structure is recursive ▶ Prosodic structure is not recursive ▶ Couper-Kuhlen (1986:)

  • [ They feel like they’re a forgotten bit ] [ of a war ] [

that nobody wants to solve ]

  • [ They’ll leave it alone ] [ till it splatters out ] [ to a

deadly end ]

  • [ So here I am ] [ in the middle of the most enormous ]

[ movement ]

  • [ as if the whole world ] [ is hanging waiting on our

decision ]

  • [ which I found one of the most fascinating and most

interesting ] [ times of my life ]

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On prosodic structure 35/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Constraints on Intonation Unit boundaries

Hirst (1987, 1993, 1998)

▶ pragmatic and phonological constraints determine

where boundaries will occur

▶ syntactic contstraints determine where boundaries

may occur

  • [ They feel like they’re a forgotten bit [ of a war [ that

nobody wants to solve ]]]

  • [ They’ll leave it alone [ till it splatters out [ to a deadly

end ]]]

  • [ So here I am [ in the middle of the most enormous [

movement ]]]

  • [ as if the whole world [ is hanging waiting on our

decision ]]

  • [ which I found one of the most fascinating and most

interesting [ times of my life ]]

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On prosodic structure 35/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Constraints on Intonation Unit boundaries

Hirst (1987, 1993, 1998)

▶ pragmatic and phonological constraints determine

where boundaries will occur

▶ syntactic contstraints determine where boundaries

may occur

  • [ They feel like they’re a forgotten bit [ of a war [ that

nobody wants to solve ]]]

  • [ They’ll leave it alone [ till it splatters out [ to a deadly

end ]]]

  • [ So here I am [ in the middle of the most enormous [

movement ]]]

  • [ as if the whole world [ is hanging waiting on our

decision ]]

  • [ which I found one of the most fascinating and most

interesting [ times of my life ]]

slide-54
SLIDE 54

On prosodic structure 36/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

slide-55
SLIDE 55

On prosodic structure 37/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

The utterance

▶ intermediate phrase ▶ paratone ▶ distinction between boundaries and constituents ▶ [[ A ] [ B ] [[ C ] [ D ]] [ E ]] ▶ only one level of intonation units

slide-56
SLIDE 56

On prosodic structure 38/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

slide-57
SLIDE 57

On prosodic structure 39/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Conclusions

▶ no phones, complex (contour) C and V segments ▶ no syllables, C and V segments are simultaeous ▶ tonal τ and rhythmic ρ are distinct ▶ only one level of intonation units

slide-58
SLIDE 58

On prosodic structure 40/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Jean Baptiste Perrin (1870-1942)

Figure: Jean Baptiste Perrin (1870-1942).

scientifjc method: explain visible complexity by invisible simplicity.

(expliquer le visible compliqué par l’invisible simple.)

slide-59
SLIDE 59

On prosodic structure 40/40 Daniel Hirst Outline Introduction The Phone The Syllable The Stress foot The Intonational Phrase The Utterance Conclusions

Jean Baptiste Perrin (1870-1942)

Figure: Jean Baptiste Perrin (1870-1942).

scientifjc method: explain visible complexity by invisible simplicity.

(expliquer le visible compliqué par l’invisible simple.)

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