grammar implementation with lexicalized tree adjoining
play

Grammar Implementation with Lexicalized Tree Adjoining Grammars and - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

Grammar Implementation with Lexicalized Tree Adjoining Grammars and Frame Semantics Further linguistic analyses Laura Kallmeyer, Timm Lichte, Rainer Osswald & Simon Petitjean University of Dsseldorf DGfS CL Fall School, September 13, 2017


  1. Grammar Implementation with Lexicalized Tree Adjoining Grammars and Frame Semantics Further linguistic analyses Laura Kallmeyer, Timm Lichte, Rainer Osswald & Simon Petitjean University of Düsseldorf DGfS CL Fall School, September 13, 2017 SFB 991

  2. Outline of today’s course Extraction phenomena in LTAG 1 Generalization and factorization within the elementary trees 2 Tree families LTAG & metagrammar specification LTAG semantics 3 Synchronous TAGs for semantics Unification-based LTAG semantics with predicate logic Unification-based LTAG semantics with frames Summary & outlook 4 Kallmeyer, Lichte, Osswald & Petitjean (HHU Düsseldorf) 2 2

  3. Outline of today’s course Extraction phenomena in LTAG 1 Generalization and factorization within the elementary trees 2 Tree families LTAG & metagrammar specification LTAG semantics 3 Synchronous TAGs for semantics Unification-based LTAG semantics with predicate logic Unification-based LTAG semantics with frames Summary & outlook 4 Kallmeyer, Lichte, Osswald & Petitjean (HHU Düsseldorf) 3 3

  4. Extraction: some examples certain constructions permit an element in one position to fill the grammatical role associated with another position Kallmeyer, Lichte, Osswald & Petitjean (HHU Düsseldorf) 4 4

  5. Extraction: some examples certain constructions permit an element in one position to fill the grammatical role associated with another position the positions can be arbitrarily far apart Kallmeyer, Lichte, Osswald & Petitjean (HHU Düsseldorf) 5 4

  6. Extraction: some examples certain constructions permit an element in one position to fill the grammatical role associated with another position the positions can be arbitrarily far apart filler – gap constructions topicalization wh-movement relative clause Kallmeyer, Lichte, Osswald & Petitjean (HHU Düsseldorf) 6 4

  7. Extraction: some examples certain constructions permit an element in one position to fill the grammatical role associated with another position the positions can be arbitrarily far apart filler – gap constructions topicalization wh-movement relative clause long-distance dependencies subject extraction object extraction preposition stranding AP complement extraction Kallmeyer, Lichte, Osswald & Petitjean (HHU Düsseldorf) 7 4

  8. Topicalization Topicalization Placing a constituent (subject, object, ...) into a sentence-initial position. Kallmeyer, Lichte, Osswald & Petitjean (HHU Düsseldorf) 8 5

  9. Topicalization Topicalization Placing a constituent (subject, object, ...) into a sentence-initial position. (1) a. Adam gave an apple to Eve. (base configuration) b. an apple i , Adam gave _ i to Eve. (object NP) c. Eve i , Adam gave an apple to _ i . (NP from PP) d. To Eve i , Adam gave an apple _ i . (PP) e. *Adam, _ i gave an apple to Eve. (no subject topicalization!) Kallmeyer, Lichte, Osswald & Petitjean (HHU Düsseldorf) 9 5

  10. Topicalization Unbounded dependency The dependency between an extracted constituent and its trace may extend across more clause boundaries . Kallmeyer, Lichte, Osswald & Petitjean (HHU Düsseldorf) 10 6

  11. Topicalization Unbounded dependency The dependency between an extracted constituent and its trace may extend across more clause boundaries . (2) a. The apple i , Adam ate _ i . b. Apples i , Eve knows (that) Adam loves _ i . c. The apple i , Adam believes (that) Eve knows (that) the snake ate _ i . Kallmeyer, Lichte, Osswald & Petitjean (HHU Düsseldorf) 11 6

  12. Wh-constructions Wh-questions wh-questions involve a (possibly long-distance) extraction of a con- stituent as a wh-phrase . Kallmeyer, Lichte, Osswald & Petitjean (HHU Düsseldorf) 12 7

  13. Wh-constructions Wh-questions wh-questions involve a (possibly long-distance) extraction of a con- stituent as a wh-phrase . (3) a. [Who] i _ i ate my apple? b. [What] i did Eve eat _ i ? c. [Which apple] i did Adam say Eve had eaten _ i ? Kallmeyer, Lichte, Osswald & Petitjean (HHU Düsseldorf) 13 7

  14. Wh-constructions Wh-questions wh-questions involve a (possibly long-distance) extraction of a con- stituent as a wh-phrase . (3) a. [Who] i _ i ate my apple? b. [What] i did Eve eat _ i ? c. [Which apple] i did Adam say Eve had eaten _ i ? Subject-auxiliary inversion wh-questions involve subject-auxiliary inversion : The auxiliary verb (‘do’, ‘have’, ‘be’, ...) precedes the subject. Kallmeyer, Lichte, Osswald & Petitjean (HHU Düsseldorf) 14 7

  15. Subject-auxiliary inversion Obligatory subject-auxiliary inversion in direct questions with object extraction: (4) a. What i does Adam eat _ i ? b. *What i Adam does eat _ i ? c. *What i Adam eats _ i ? Kallmeyer, Lichte, Osswald & Petitjean (HHU Düsseldorf) 15 8

  16. Subject-auxiliary inversion Obligatory subject-auxiliary inversion in direct questions with object extraction: (4) a. What i does Adam eat _ i ? b. *What i Adam does eat _ i ? c. *What i Adam eats _ i ? No subject-auxiliary inversion in embedded wh-questions: (5) a. Eve wonders [what i Adam eats _ i ]. b. *Eve wonders [what i does Adam eat _ i ]. Kallmeyer, Lichte, Osswald & Petitjean (HHU Düsseldorf) 16 8

  17. Subject-auxiliary inversion Obligatory subject-auxiliary inversion in direct questions with object extraction: (4) a. What i does Adam eat _ i ? b. *What i Adam does eat _ i ? c. *What i Adam eats _ i ? No subject-auxiliary inversion in embedded wh-questions: (5) a. Eve wonders [what i Adam eats _ i ]. b. *Eve wonders [what i does Adam eat _ i ]. No subject-auxiliary inversion in topicalization: (6) a. *[The apple] i , has Adam eaten _ i . b. [ The apple ] i Adam has eaten _ i . Kallmeyer, Lichte, Osswald & Petitjean (HHU Düsseldorf) 17 8

  18. Extraction: elementary trees subject extraction object extraction preposition stranding Who i _ i ate the apple? What i did Adam eat _ i ? What i does Adam dream of_ i ? S S S NP i ↓ S NP i ↓ S NP i ↓ S NP i VP NP ↓ VP NP ↓ VP ϵ V NP ↓ V NP i V PP ate eat ϵ dream P ⋄ NP i ϵ Kallmeyer, Lichte, Osswald & Petitjean (HHU Düsseldorf) 18 9

  19. Extraction: features Features for extraction , taken from the XTAG grammar (XTAG Research Group 2001) extracted := + | – indicates extraction in the S-node wh := + | – indicates the presence of a wh-pronoun inv := + | – indicates inversion Kallmeyer, Lichte, Osswald & Petitjean (HHU Düsseldorf) 19 10

  20. Extraction: features Features for extraction , taken from the XTAG grammar (XTAG Research Group 2001) extracted := + | – indicates extraction in the S-node wh := + | – indicates the presence of a wh-pronoun inv := + | – indicates inversion Handling: no inversion with topicalization ( Books i , people read _ i . ) no topicalized subject ( *People i , _ i read books. ) no inversion with subject wh-extraction ( Who i _ i read books? ) inversion with object wh-extraction ( What i do people read _ i ? ) Kallmeyer, Lichte, Osswald & Petitjean (HHU Düsseldorf) 20 10

  21. Extraction: elementary trees with features Elementary tree for subject extraction: � � (7) Who i _ i arrived?    inv  4 S     wh  3      extr +           agr 2 inv 4         3 + NP ↓ wh     wh 3     S     trace 5     inv –       agr 2   � � � � NP trace agr 5 2 � � VP V ϵ arrived Kallmeyer, Lichte, Osswald & Petitjean (HHU Düsseldorf) 21 11

  22. Inversion with object extraction in case of object extraction topicalization → no inversion wh-questions → inversion Kallmeyer, Lichte, Osswald & Petitjean (HHU Düsseldorf) 22 12

  23. Inversion with object extraction in case of object extraction topicalization → no inversion wh-questions → inversion ⇒ equation of the wh feature of the extracted NP and the upper inv feature of the lower S node: � �    inv  3 S     wh  3      extr +   � � � � NP ↓ wh inv 3 3 � � S – inv Kallmeyer, Lichte, Osswald & Petitjean (HHU Düsseldorf) 23 12

  24. Analyses (8) Apples, Adam ate. � �    inv  3 S      wh 3      + extr   � �   NP ↓   wh 3 inv 3      agr  2   � � S    inv –   � �  � �   NP   agr 3sg + 1 wh –   � � VP NP ↓ agr 1 � � V NP apples � �� � NP agr 3sg + ate ϵ Adam Kallmeyer, Lichte, Osswald & Petitjean (HHU Düsseldorf) 24 13

  25. Analyses Derived tree with top and botom feature structures: � �     inv 3 S      wh 3      extr +   � �     wh inv 3 3   � � NP     agr 2 wh –   S    inv –   � �      agr 3sg + 1   � � apples VP agr 1 � �� � NP agr 3sg + Adam V NP ate ϵ Kallmeyer, Lichte, Osswald & Petitjean (HHU Düsseldorf) 25 14

Download Presentation
Download Policy: The content available on the website is offered to you 'AS IS' for your personal information and use only. It cannot be commercialized, licensed, or distributed on other websites without prior consent from the author. To download a presentation, simply click this link. If you encounter any difficulties during the download process, it's possible that the publisher has removed the file from their server.

Recommend


More recommend