GLOBAL JUSTICE, DOMESTIC DISTRIBUTIVE JUSTICE AND LEGITIMACY
Tsilly Dagan
GLOBAL JUSTICE, DOMESTIC Tsilly Dagan DISTRIBUTIVE JUSTICE AND - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation
GLOBAL JUSTICE, DOMESTIC Tsilly Dagan DISTRIBUTIVE JUSTICE AND LEGITIMACY ROADMAP The Cosmopolitans Statists debate The central role of the state ensuring justice Globalizations challenge for domestic justice & (thus) on
Tsilly Dagan
*Brian Barry, Charles Beitz, and Thomas Pogge
“[j]ustice is something we owe through our shared institutions only to those with whom we stand in a strong political relation.” (Nagel)
“On the political conception, sovereign states are not merely instruments for realizing the pre-institutional value of justice among human beings. Instead, their existence is precisely what gives the value of justice its application, by putting the fellow citizens of a sovereign state into a relation that they do not have with the rest of humanity, an institutional relation which must then be evaluated by the special standards of fairness and equality that fill out the content of justice.”
Thomas Nagel, The problem of global justice, 33.2 Philosophy & public affairs 113, 120 (2005).
* Other institutionalists reject this sharp distinction
WHY (ONLY) THE STATE?
(WHAT BRINGS US PAST HUMANITARIANISM?)
“when individuals are both subjects in law’s empire and citizens in law’s republic.” (coehn & Sable)
Coercion
Ensures cooperation Requires legitimation
“An institution that one has no choice about joining must offer terms of membership that meet a higher standard.”
Co-authorship
Speaks in the name of others
Requires legitimation “it is impermissible to speak in someone’s name…unless that person…is…given equal consideration in making the regulations."
Tax competition
Tax competition
The result
From compulsory regimes to elective regimes
FRAGMENTATION
conflicting rules for allowing deductions; differing tax and withholding rates; and a vast number of tax treaties between various jurisdictions.
Coercive power=> menu of f options (f (for some)
If the state can no longer use its coercive power to assure its constituents’ mutual responsibility, can it still legitimately impose duties of justice? If it no longer equally implicates the will of its constituents in a political dialogue among themselves, but rather caters to their relative market value, can it genuinely speak in the name of them all? And if the state allows (some of) them to pick and choose among its various functions, does it still constitute the political institution envisioned by statists when they designate it the exclusive political institution for socio-economic justice?
both may create convergence but a difference in process
(Cooperative v. What? (spontaneous? Independent? Competitive? Coerced by the market?))