Economic Constraints and Capabilities of Very Young Adolescent - - PDF document

Economic Constraints and Capabilities of Very Young Adolescent Girls in an Urban Nairobi Slum: Understanding their Expectations of Achieving Education and Work Aspirations Eunice Muthengi1 & Karen Austrian1*

1 Population Council, Kenya * Corresponding Author – kaustrian@popcouncil.org

Abstract Adolescents’ aspirations have important implications for their current behavior and future educational and

• ccupational achievements. This study uses quantitative (N=2,369) and qualitative data from a sample of adolescent

girls between the ages of 11 and 14 in Kibera, an urban slum in Nairobi, Kenya. Overall, girls had high aspirations regarding their education and job opportunities, but many were stressed about not completing their education (57%), getting a job (31%) and getting enough to eat (35%). Multivariate ordinal regression analysis shows: 1) economic stress (individual-level) is a better predictor of expectations of achieving educational and occupation aspirations than household-level resources, 2) economic stress is associated with lower expectations, and 3) self-efficacy and girls’ access to financial resources is associated with higher expectations. Qualitative findings highlight strategies used by girls to overcome challenges. Findings can guide the design of programs to capitalize on the high aspirations of girls in economically disadvantaged communities. Background Adolescence is a period of growth and exploration, during which young people begin to form their identities and refine their goals based on their experiences and their observations of the opportunities available in their communities as well as the constraints to achieving those goals (Phillips & Pittman, 2003). Their aspirations and goals can have important implications for their current behavior and future educational and occupational achievements, particularly for those who are economically disadvantaged (Beal & Crockett, 2010). Studies in developed countries have shown the impact of poverty and low socioeconomic status on child and adolescent development, including health, cognitive functioning, socioeconomic problems, and school achievement (Bradley & Corwyn, 2002; McLoyd, 1998). The two most common theoretical frameworks in this literature have focused on how economic constraints affect children through parental attitudes, expectations, engagement and behaviors (Conger, Conger, & Martin, 2010; Yeung, Linver, & Brooks–Gunn, 2002). The Investment Model proposes that wealthier families make greater investments in the development of the children including their human capital development, while poor families focus on investing in immediate family needs (Conger et al., 2010; Mayer, 1997). Using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) and the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY), Mayer (1997) showed that children living in poor households had less resources, engaged in less stimulating activities and lived in worse conditions, and these factors mediated the effect of family income on child development outcomes. The Family Stress Model posits that economic hardship at the household level leads to parental distress and economic pressure, which can result in inter-parental conflict, withdrawal, inconsistent parenting and uninvolved parenting, all which can lead to child emotional and behavioral problems and impaired competence (Conger & Conger, 2002; Conger et al., 2002). Therefore, the focus is on both the absolute level of income, as well as parents’ perceived financial

• inadequacy. In an extension of this model, Mistry and colleagues (2008) provided insights from a mixed-methods

approach showing that among low-income families, in Wisconsin, economic pressure was characterized by inability to meet basic needs and inability to afford “extras”, and both of these factors impacted children’s behavioral adjustments. In addition, financial management strategies helped to alleviate some of the economic pressures. In a different study of Chinese-American families, Mistry and colleagues found that parents reports of economic stress were associated with adolescents’ economic achievement and attitudes towards education, and this effect was mediated by the adolescents

• wn perceptions of family economic strain (Mistry, Benner, Tan, & Kim, 2009).

This study seeks to contribute to this literature by examining how economic hardship and access to financial resources in a developing country setting influences adolescents’ perceptions, realities, and future aspirations. Previous studies have shown that the educational aspirations of adolescents tend to be high even among low-socioeconomic groups,

and that that more disadvantaged adolescents may have less knowledge and resources to make their aspirations a reality (Frostick, Phillips, Renton, & Moore, 2016; St. Clair, Kintrea, & Houston, 2013; Valadez, 1998; Wahl & Blackhurst, 2000). In one of the few studies examining aspirations of adolescents in East Africa, data from Kenya showed that young people living in informal settlements in Nairobi had high aspirations regarding their future goals, but the limited

• pportunities they faced shaped their expectations regarding their ability to achieve them (Kabiru, Mojola, Beguy, &

Okigbo, 2013). Similarly, using longitudinal data from Ethiopia, Tafere (2014) finds that young people living in poor communities in Ethiopia had high educational aspirations, but some adjusted these aspirations based due to structural hurdles to achieving them. The author argues that the adolescents’ high aspirations should be capitalized on through interventions that help young people to achieve what they aspire to (Tafere, 2014). Capability Approach and Assets Framework For this study, aspirations are defined as the perceived importance or necessity of goals (Copestake & Camfield, 2010). Amartya Sen’s (Sen, 1999) capability approach provides the rationale for focusing on aspirations, as well as the study

• hypotheses. The approach focuses on people’s capabilities to achieve the lives they have reason to value. The quality
• f life that an individual is actually able to achieve can be described in terms of functionings and capabilities.

Functionings are states of being or doing, such as being well-nourished or being educated, while capabilities refers to the freedoms one has to choose between alternative combinations of functionings. This highlights the importance of understanding people’s aspirations (the lives they value), and how these have become adapted to their circumstances based on the opportunities that were available to them. Both external and internal factors can influence the valuation and achievement of capabilities. External constraints include cultural factors and structural factors such as neighborhoods and local labor markets (Furlong, Biggart, & Cartmel, 1996; Furlong & Cartmel, 1995). Internal constraints, such as identities, psychological wellbeing, beliefs and perceptions can also enhance or diminish their ability to achieve the desired functionings (Ibrahim, 2011). Therefore, in addition to understanding the aspirations and expectations of adolescents, further insights are needed on the individual-level factors that that enable them to have can expand their freedom and agency to achieve the lives they

• value. Drawing on the Asset Building Framework, positive individual-level factors that could improve capabilities

include social, health, economic assets which are a store of value (Bruce & Sebstad, 2004). These can be viewed as skills, abilities, knowledge and attitudes that can help adolescents in overcoming challenges to make a safe, healthy and productive transition into adulthood. These assets or capacities can be describe as factors that enhance girls’ capabilities, or the freedom to live the life they aspire to. In order to design relevant interventions for adolescents, taking into account their own views, further research is needed to understand associations between household or individual access to resources, and adolescents’ perceived ability to achieve their goals. The specific objectives of the study are to: 1) examine the association between household resources and adolescents’ experiences of economic stress, 2) explore the negative impact of economic stress and the protective impact of adolescents’ capacities and access to resources on their expectations of achieving their education and work aspirations. Methods This study uses quantitative and qualitative data from a sample of adolescent girls between the ages of 11 and 14 in Kibera, an urban informal settlement in Nairobi. A growing proportion of Kenya’s total population now resides in urban areas, with more than 60% of urban residents residing in slums (Arimah & Branch, 2011). Kibera is one of the largest, most densely populated slums in Africa characterized by severe poverty, limited access to clean water, overcrowding, and unemployment (African Population and Health Research Center, 2014; Habitat, 2006). The quantitative data were collected in 2015 as part of a cross-sectional baseline survey for the Adolescent Girls Initiative – Kenya (Austrian et al., 2016). A total of 2,369 girls were included in the analysis, combining information from individual interviews with girls, and household interviews with the corresponding parent or guardian. Bivariate associations were tested using the Person’s Chi-Square test. Multivariate analysis used logistic and ordinal regression to estimate the associations between independent variables and the dependent variable of interest, controlling for other covariates: cognitive ability (Raven’s test), numeracy score, religion, mother’s education, father’s education, mother’s

• ccupation, father’s occupation living arrangements, age and years of schooling attained relative to one’s age (grade-

for-age). The quantitative analysis tests the following hypotheses: 1) increased household access to resources will be associated with decreased concerns by adolescents regarding inability to complete education, get a job, and have

enough food to eat, 2) economic stress regarding immediate needs (worry about getting enough food) will to a greater extent be associated with lower expectations of achieving education and work goals than stress regarding long-term needs (education and work prospects), 3) adolescents’ generalized self-efficacy and access to financial resources will be associated with higher expectations of achieving their education and work goals. The qualitative data is based on in-depth interviews conducted with 24 adolescent girls and 6 parents who were purposefully selected from the quantitative sample. Interviews were recorded, transcribed and translated from Swahili to English. The transcripts were coded for emerging themes by a qualitative data analyst using ATLAS.ti software and an inductive thematic analysis approach was used to identify core theoretical concepts, themes and patterns. The analysis focused on questions regarding the highest level of school that girls would aspire to reach, the anticipated challenges in reaching those girls, and possible strategies to address those challenges. Results Quantitative As shown in Table 1, overall, girls had high aspirations regarding their education and job opportunities. When asked whether they felt it was not important at all, not very important, somewhat important, or very important to accomplish their goals, the majority of girls stated it was “very important” to finish secondary school (98%), go to university (96%) and have a good job/source of income (93%). Girls were also asked to indicate some of their worries regarding various life chances at this point in their life. At least half of girls were either somewhat or very worried (compared to “not worried at all”) about not completing their education (57%), and approximately a third were worried about getting a job (31%) and getting enough to eat (35%). In regards to education and work expectations, when asked about their chances of attaining their education and work goals, at least half said their chances were “high”, as compared to “about 50-50” or “low” in regards to joining secondary school (84%), going to university (51% high), having a job that they enjoy doing (80%) or having a way of earning money (70%). Parents/guardians were asked if their household has enough savings or something to sell if they needed KES 1,000 (USD 10), KES 5,000 (USD 50) and KES 10,000 shillings (USD 100). This was created into a categorical financial resources index comparing each of these three categories to households that did not have any financial resources. About 45% of girls were in households that could not afford KES 1,000, 30% in households that could afford 1,000, 15% in households that could afford 5,000 and 10% in households that could afford 10,000. In separate multivariate logistic regression models, controlling for covariates1 having the most household financial resources (compared to having none), was associated with decreased odds of being worried (1= somewhat or very worried, 0=not worried at all) about education (OR=0.57, p<0.001), having a good job/source of income (OR=0.70, p<0.05), and getting enough food (OR=0.67, p<0.05). Multivariate ordinal regression models were estimated to examine associations between key independent variables and four dependent variables. As shown in Table 2, the four dependent variables were girls’ expectations regarding their chances of: joining secondary school (Model 1), going to university, (Model 2), having an enjoyable job (Model 3) and having a way to earn money (Model 4). For each model, the sample was restricted to girls who stated that the corresponding goal was “very important.” Each model controlled for a range of covariates1 including cognitive ability. Findings indicate that stress regarding the more immediate need of having enough food was negatively associated with expectations for all four dependent variables with odds ratios ranging from 0.416 (Model 2) to 0.825 (Model 3), and the associations were statistically significant (p<0.001). Stress regarding completion of education was negatively associated with higher expectations about joining secondary school (OR=0.600, p<0.001) and going to university (OR=0.661, p<0.001). Stress about getting “a good job” was negatively associated with higher expectations about having an enjoyable job and a way to earn money (results not shown), but the associations were no longer statistically significant after controlling for stress about getting enough food. Using the Generalized Self-Efficacy scale, a maximum score of 7, compared to the minimum score of 1, was associated with a 48% increase in odds of higher expectations of going to university (p<0.01) and a 60% increase in odds of higher expectations of having a way to earn money in the future (p<0.001). An adolescent’s access to money from a relative (being able to count on them if they needed money urgently) was associated with a 72% increase in odds of higher expectations of joining secondary school (p<0.05), while access to money from a non-relative was associated with higher expectations of having an enjoyable job (OR=1.55, p<0.001), and having a way to earn money (OR=1.44, p<0.001). The household financial resources index was not significantly associated with expectations of going to university, having an enjoyable job and having a way to earn money, after controlling for the other independent variables and covariates. Having access to KES 1,000 was associated with decreased odds of higher expectations to join secondary school (OR=0.679, p<0.01) as compared to having no

resources, however, additional analysis shows this was only true of adolescents residing with both parents as not the case for those residing with one parent or neither parent (results not shown). Of the covariates1 that each model controlled for, those significantly associated (p<0.05) with higher expectations included numeracy scores (Model 1, 2 and 3), cognitive ability (Model 1), mothers education (Model 1 and 2), age (Model 2), father’s occupation (Model 2), and mother’s occupation (Model 4) and living arrangements (Model 1). Qualitative Preliminary analysis of qualitative data regarding educational aspirations confirm the quantitative models, showing that almost all girls would like to attain university education because they believe it will allow them to: gain more knowledge, get better jobs, and gain respect and recognition from others, and help their siblings and other family members to get a good job. “I want to study until I finish the course…in the university, because you know that if you don’t finish school you cannot get a job and the way my mom nowadays stays here I would like to study and finish school and help her because of the way she has struggled with us.” Adolescent Girl, Kibera, 14 years old “I would like to study until I finish the university so that I can help my parents and so that I can also help other people…So that I can also help my siblings so that they can also emulate me and so that I can live a good life, so that I can help people. And also so that I can educate those girls.” Adolescent Girl, Kibera, 13 years old Other reasons mentioned less frequently were the ability to: find a husband who is financially stable, buy a house for their parents, and help other people in the community. “I want to finish up to the university level…so that I can have a good job, better than these girls who get pregnant around and so that I can get a good husband who has a job than getting the kinds of husbands who walk around asking for money.” Adolescent Girl, Kibera, 12 years old Parents also mentioned that a university education would guarantee a girl’s future and enable her to uplift the household. “She studies until she gets a good job…I would like her to reach up to the college level because her elder sister dropped out in class 7 and I would like her to lift up their house…that at least she should be someone who is educated in their house...[she should] uplift their family, by the time she is done she can be able to help them.” Father of adolescent girl, Kibera Girls and parents mentioned possible barriers to achieving these aspirations, including early marriage, unintended pregnancy, poverty, lack of school fees, and negative peer influence. Most girls were confident they could overcome these challenges by believing in themselves, “dreaming big,” staying focused, working and saving money, or asking for financial assistance from parents or other responsible adults. “If a problem has come about at home, say if my parent it sick, say my dad died long ago and you are the only

• ne to assist her, you can stay at home and assist her. When she feels better then you can now go to school.

Also, issues to do with boys…Say if you have a boyfriend and then he has impregnated you, that pregnancy will make you not to continue with education.” Adolescent Girl, Kibera, 14 years old Discussion Overall, the findings highlight the high aspirations of very young adolescent girls in an urban slum in Nairobi, and help us to understand how their access to resources and their concerns about the economic hardships they face, help to shape their expectations of achieving their education and work goals. Understanding the perceived barriers that adolescents face vis-a-vis their goals is important because during this period is when goals can be tempered due to constraints in their environment (Phillips & Pittman, 2003). Similar to the previous findings in Kenya and Ethiopia (Kabiru et al., 2013; Tafere, 2014), young adolescent girls in the Kibera informal settlement in Nairobi have very high aspirations around higher education and future employment, yet those aspirations are tempered by household economic stress – marked in this study as worried about having sufficient food to eat.

These findings show the importance of combining household-level economic strengthening interventions with interventions that provide girls with opportunities to: 1) build their confidence/self-efficacy, 2) expand their social networks and access go support systems and resources that could enable them to reach their goals, 3) access psychosocial support services to mitigate the potential impact of economic stress on their future aspirations. If programs and policies take these factors into consideration, they may be able to capitalize on the hopes of young adolescents to address the barriers that may prevent them from achieving their goals.

Table 1. Baseline characteristics of Adolescent Girls Initiative-Kenya, Kibera Sample (n=2,369) % Mean (SD)

Age group 11–12 48 13–15 52 Religion Catholic 23 Protestant 62 Muslim 10 Other 5 Cognitive test score (18 total) 10.26 (3.12) Numeracy test outcome (26 total) 24.71 (2.12) Grade for age On track or ahead 1 or more grades behind 71 29 Girl lives with Both parents Mother only Father only Neither parent 53 25 6 16 Father completed primary school or higher 59 Mother completed primary school or higher 64 Mother’s occupation Employed/Artisan Temporary employment Self-employed/other None Father’s occupation Employed/Artisan Temporary employment Self-employed/other None 9 21 35 25 23 26 12 39 Household with value that can be sold: None or less than 1000 KES (USD 10) 1000 KES (USD 10) 5000 KES (USD 50) 10,000 KES (USD 100) How important is it to go to university Very important Somewhat important/not very important/not important at all How important is it to finish secondary school Very important Somewhat important/not very important/not important at all How important is it to have a good job/source of income 45 30 15 10 94 4 98 2

Very important Somewhat important/not very important/not important at all How worred are you about getting enough to eat Very worried Somewhat worried/not worried at all How worred are you about not getting a good job Very worried Somewhat worried/not worried at all 93 7 65 34 68 31 How worred are you about not completing your eduaction Very worried Somewhat worried/not worried at all How high are your chances of going to university High 50-50 Low How high are your chances of joining secondary school High 50-50 Low How high are your chances of having a job that you will enjoy High 50-50 Low How high are your chances of having a way to earn money High 50-50 Low 44 56 71 23 6 84 13 3 80 17 3 70 22 8

Table 2. Multivariate Ordinal Regression Results Predicting High Expectations of Achieving Education and Work Goals, among Adolescents who Stated Each Goal is “Very Important,” Adolescent Girls, Ages 11-15

***p < .001; **p < .01; *p < .05; †<0.10

1 Covariates included were: cognitive ability (Raven’s test), numeracy score, religion, mother’s education, father’s education,

mother’s occupation, father’s occupation, living arrangements (both parents, mother, father or neither parent), age and grade-for-age (on track or behind) Model 11 (N=2179) Join secondary school Model 21 (N=2229) Go to university Model 31 (N=2137) Have an enjoyable job Model 41 (N=2137) A way to earn money OR [95% CI] OR [95% CI] OR [95% CI] OR [95% CI] (Ref=None) Assets: 1,000 KES 5,000 KES 10,000 KES 0.679** 0.519 - 0.889 0.877 0.701 - 1.098 1.001 0.770 - 1.303 0.881 0.702 - 1.104 1.257 0.846 - 1.866 1.228 0.905 - 1.667 1.337 0.926 - 1.932 0.945 0.697 - 0.282 1.202 0.719 - 2.007 1.390 0.948 - 2.038 1.352 0.849 - 2.154 1.348 0.916 - 1.985 (Ref=Not at all) Worries about education 0.600*** 0.462 - 0.779 0.661*** 0.537 - 0.813 (Ref=Not at all) Worries about job 0.461 0.647 - 1.051 0.974 0.786 - 1.208 (Ref=Not at all) Worries about food 0.470*** 0.367 - 0.601 0.416*** 0.340 - 0.511 0.825*** 0.362 - 0.586 0.494*** 0.400 - 0.610 (Ref=No) Money from relative 1.720* 1.092 - 2.708 1.265 0.834 - 1.918 1.067 0.643 - 1.771 1.100 0.727 - 1.665 (Ref=No) Money from nonrelative 1.032 0.804 - 1.325 1.162 0.951 - 1.420 1.546*** 1.219 - 1.961 1.441*** 1.177 - 1.766 Generalized Self-Efficacy Scale [1 – 7] 1.058 0.992 - 1.139 1.084** 1.026 - 1.144 1.048 0.985 - 1.115 1.099*** 1.042 - 1.159

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