Dependency Parsing & Feature-based Parsing Ling571 Deep - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

dependency parsing feature based parsing
SMART_READER_LITE
LIVE PREVIEW

Dependency Parsing & Feature-based Parsing Ling571 Deep - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

Dependency Parsing & Feature-based Parsing Ling571 Deep Processing Techniques for NLP February 2, 2015 Roadmap Dependency parsing Graph-based dependency parsing Maximum spanning tree CLE Algorithm Learning


slide-1
SLIDE 1

Dependency Parsing & Feature-based Parsing

Ling571 Deep Processing Techniques for NLP February 2, 2015

slide-2
SLIDE 2

Roadmap

— Dependency parsing

— Graph-based dependency parsing

— Maximum spanning tree — CLE Algorithm — Learning weights

— Feature-based parsing

— Motivation — Features — Unification

slide-3
SLIDE 3

Dependency Parse Example

— They hid the letter on the shelf

slide-4
SLIDE 4

Graph-based Dependency Parsing

— Goal: Find the highest scoring dependency tree T

for sentence S — If S is unambiguous, T is the correct parse. — If S is ambiguous, T is the highest scoring parse.

slide-5
SLIDE 5

Graph-based Dependency Parsing

— Goal: Find the highest scoring dependency tree T

for sentence S — If S is unambiguous, T is the correct parse. — If S is ambiguous, T is the highest scoring parse.

— Where do scores come from?

— Weights on dependency edges by machine learning — Learned from large dependency treebank

slide-6
SLIDE 6

Graph-based Dependency Parsing

— Goal: Find the highest scoring dependency tree T

for sentence S — If S is unambiguous, T is the correct parse. — If S is ambiguous, T is the highest scoring parse.

— Where do scores come from?

— Weights on dependency edges by machine learning — Learned from large dependency treebank

— Where are the grammar rules?

slide-7
SLIDE 7

Graph-based Dependency Parsing

— Goal: Find the highest scoring dependency tree T

for sentence S — If S is unambiguous, T is the correct parse. — If S is ambiguous, T is the highest scoring parse.

— Where do scores come from?

— Weights on dependency edges by machine learning — Learned from large dependency treebank

— Where are the grammar rules?

— There aren’t any; data-driven processing

slide-8
SLIDE 8

Graph-based Dependency Parsing

— Map dependency parsing to maximum spanning tree

slide-9
SLIDE 9

Graph-based Dependency Parsing

— Map dependency parsing to maximum spanning tree — Idea:

— Build initial graph: fully connected

— Nodes: words in sentence to parse

slide-10
SLIDE 10

Graph-based Dependency Parsing

— Map dependency parsing to maximum spanning tree — Idea:

— Build initial graph: fully connected

— Nodes: words in sentence to parse — Edges: Directed edges between all words

— + Edges from ROOT to all words

slide-11
SLIDE 11

Graph-based Dependency Parsing

— Map dependency parsing to maximum spanning tree — Idea:

— Build initial graph: fully connected

— Nodes: words in sentence to parse — Edges: Directed edges between all words

— + Edges from ROOT to all words

— Identify maximum spanning tree

— Tree s.t. all nodes are connected — Select such tree with highest weight

slide-12
SLIDE 12

Graph-based Dependency Parsing

— Map dependency parsing to maximum spanning tree — Idea:

— Build initial graph: fully connected

— Nodes: words in sentence to parse — Edges: Directed edges between all words

— + Edges from ROOT to all words

— Identify maximum spanning tree

— Tree s.t. all nodes are connected — Select such tree with highest weight — Arc-factored model: Weights depend on end nodes & link

— Weight of tree is sum of participating arcs

slide-13
SLIDE 13

Initial Tree

  • Sentence: John saw Mary (McDonald et al, 2005)
  • All words connected; ROOT only has outgoing arcs
slide-14
SLIDE 14

Initial Tree

  • Sentence: John saw Mary (McDonald et al, 2005)
  • All words connected; ROOT only has outgoing arcs
  • Goal: Remove arcs to create a tree covering all words
  • Resulting tree is dependency parse
slide-15
SLIDE 15

Maximum Spanning Tree

— McDonald et al, 2005 use variant of Chu-Liu-

Edmonds algorithm for MST (CLE)

slide-16
SLIDE 16

Maximum Spanning Tree

— McDonald et al, 2005 use variant of Chu-Liu-

Edmonds algorithm for MST (CLE)

— Sketch of algorithm:

— For each node, greedily select incoming arc with max w — If the resulting set of arcs forms a tree, this is the MST

.

— If not, there must be a cycle.

slide-17
SLIDE 17

Maximum Spanning Tree

— McDonald et al, 2005 use variant of Chu-Liu-

Edmonds algorithm for MST (CLE)

— Sketch of algorithm:

— For each node, greedily select incoming arc with max w — If the resulting set of arcs forms a tree, this is the MST

.

— If not, there must be a cycle.

— “Contract” the cycle: Treat it as a single vertex — Recalculate weights into/out of the new vertex — Recursively do MST algorithm on resulting graph

slide-18
SLIDE 18

Maximum Spanning Tree

— McDonald et al, 2005 use variant of Chu-Liu-Edmonds

algorithm for MST (CLE)

— Sketch of algorithm:

— For each node, greedily select incoming arc with max w — If the resulting set of arcs forms a tree, this is the MST

.

— If not, there must be a cycle.

— “Contract” the cycle: Treat it as a single vertex — Recalculate weights into/out of the new vertex — Recursively do MST algorithm on resulting graph

— Running time: naïve: O(n3); Tarjan: O(n2)

— Applicable to non-projective graphs

slide-19
SLIDE 19

Initial Tree

slide-20
SLIDE 20

CLE: Step 1

— Find maximum incoming arcs

slide-21
SLIDE 21

CLE: Step 1

— Find maximum incoming arcs

— Is the result a tree?

slide-22
SLIDE 22

CLE: Step 1

— Find maximum incoming arcs

— Is the result a tree?

— No

— Is there a cycle?

slide-23
SLIDE 23

CLE: Step 1

— Find maximum incoming arcs

— Is the result a tree?

— No

— Is there a cycle?

— Yes, John/saw

slide-24
SLIDE 24

CLE: Step 2

— Since there’s a cycle:

— Contract cycle & reweight — John+saw as single vertex

slide-25
SLIDE 25

CLE: Step 2

— Since there’s a cycle:

— Contract cycle & reweight — John+saw as single vertex — Calculate weights in & out as:

— Maximum based on internal arcs — and original nodes

— Recurse

slide-26
SLIDE 26

Calculating Graph

slide-27
SLIDE 27

CLE: Recursive Step

— In new graph, find graph of

— Max weight incoming arc for each word

slide-28
SLIDE 28

CLE: Recursive Step

— In new graph, find graph of

— Max weight incoming arc for each word

— Is it a tree?

slide-29
SLIDE 29

CLE: Recursive Step

— In new graph, find graph of

— Max weight incoming arc for each word

— Is it a tree? Yes!

— MST

, but must recover internal arcs è parse

slide-30
SLIDE 30

CLE: Recovering Graph

— Found maximum spanning tree

— Need to ‘pop’ collapsed nodes

— Expand “ROOT à John+saw” = 40

slide-31
SLIDE 31

CLE: Recovering Graph

— Found maximum spanning tree

— Need to ‘pop’ collapsed nodes

— Expand “ROOT à John+saw” = 40 — MST and complete dependency parse

slide-32
SLIDE 32

Learning Weights

— Weights for arc-factored model learned from corpus

— Weights learned for tuple (wi,wj,l)

slide-33
SLIDE 33

Learning Weights

— Weights for arc-factored model learned from corpus

— Weights learned for tuple (wi,wj,l)

— McDonald et al, 2005 employed discriminative ML

— Perceptron algorithm or large margin variant

slide-34
SLIDE 34

Learning Weights

— Weights for arc-factored model learned from corpus

— Weights learned for tuple (wi,L,wj)

— McDonald et al, 2005 employed discriminative ML

— Perceptron algorithm or large margin variant

— Operates on vector of local features

slide-35
SLIDE 35

Features for Learning Weights

— Simple categorical features for (wi,L,wj) including:

— Identity of wi (or char 5-gram prefix), POS of wi — Identity of wj (or char 5-gram prefix), POS of wj — Label of L, direction of L — Sequence of POS tags b/t wi,wj — Number of words b/t wi,wj — POS tag of wi-1,POS tag of wi+1 — POS tag of wj-1, POS tag of wj+1

— Features conjoined with direction of attachment

and distance b/t words

slide-36
SLIDE 36

Dependency Parsing

— Dependency grammars:

— Compactly represent pred-arg structure — Lexicalized, localized — Natural handling of flexible word order

— Dependency parsing:

— Conversion to phrase structure trees — Graph-based parsing (MST), efficient non-proj O(n2) — Transition-based parser

— MALTparser: very efficient O(n)

— Optimizes local decisions based on many rich features

slide-37
SLIDE 37

Features

slide-38
SLIDE 38

Roadmap

— Features: Motivation

— Constraint & compactness

— Features

— Definitions & representations

— Unification — Application of features in the grammar

— Agreement, subcategorization

— Parsing with features & unification

— Augmenting the Earley parser, unification parsing

— Extensions: Types, inheritance, etc — Conclusion

slide-39
SLIDE 39

Constraints & Compactness

— Constraints in grammar

— S à NP VP

— They run. — He runs.

slide-40
SLIDE 40

Constraints & Compactness

— Constraints in grammar

— S à NP VP

— They run. — He runs.

— But…

— *They runs — *He run — *He disappeared the flight

slide-41
SLIDE 41

Constraints & Compactness

— Constraints in grammar

— S à NP VP

— They run. — He runs.

— But…

— *They runs — *He run — *He disappeared the flight

— Violate agreement (number), subcategorization

slide-42
SLIDE 42

Enforcing Constraints

— Enforcing constraints

slide-43
SLIDE 43

Enforcing Constraints

— Enforcing constraints

— Add categories, rules

slide-44
SLIDE 44

Enforcing Constraints

— Enforcing constraints

— Add categories, rules

— Agreement:

— Sà NPsg3p VPsg3p, — Sà NPpl3p VPpl3p,

slide-45
SLIDE 45

Enforcing Constraints

— Enforcing constraints

— Add categories, rules

— Agreement:

— Sà NPsg3p VPsg3p, — Sà NPpl3p VPpl3p,

— Subcategorization:

— VPà Vtrans NP

,

— VP à Vintrans, — VP à Vditrans NP NP

slide-46
SLIDE 46

Enforcing Constraints

— Enforcing constraints

— Add categories, rules

— Agreement:

— Sà NPsg3p VPsg3p, — S à NPpl3p VPpl3p,

— Subcategorization:

— VP à Vtrans NP

,

— VP à Vintrans, — VP à Vditrans NP NP

— Explosive!, loses key generalizations

slide-47
SLIDE 47

Why features?

— Need compact, general constraints

— S à NP VP

slide-48
SLIDE 48

Why features?

— Need compact, general constraints

— S à NP VP

— Only if NP and VP agree

slide-49
SLIDE 49

Why features?

— Need compact, general constraints

— S à NP VP

— Only if NP and VP agree

— How can we describe agreement, subcat?

slide-50
SLIDE 50

Why features?

— Need compact, general constraints

— S à NP VP

— Only if NP and VP agree

— How can we describe agreement, subcat?

— Decompose into elementary features that must

be consistent

— E.g. Agreement

slide-51
SLIDE 51

Why features?

— Need compact, general constraints

— S à NP VP

— Only if NP and VP agree

— How can we describe agreement, subcat?

— Decompose into elementary features that must

be consistent

— E.g. Agreement

— Number, person, gender, etc

slide-52
SLIDE 52

Why features?

— Need compact, general constraints

— S à NP VP

— Only if NP and VP agree

— How can we describe agreement, subcat?

— Decompose into elementary features that must be

consistent

— E.g. Agreement

— Number, person, gender, etc

— Augment CF rules with feature constraints

— Develop mechanism to enforce consistency — Elegant, compact, rich representation

slide-53
SLIDE 53

Feature Representations

— Fundamentally, Attribute-Value pairs

— Values may be symbols or feature structures

— Feature path: list of features in structure to value — “Reentrant feature structures”: share some struct

— Represented as

— Attribute-value matrix (AVM), or — Directed acyclic graph (DAG)

slide-54
SLIDE 54

AVM

NUMBER PL PERSON 3 NUMBER PL PERSON 3 CAT NP NUMBER PL PERSON 3 CAT NP AGREEMENT NUMBER PL PERSON 3 CAT S HEAD AGREEM’T NUMBER PL PERSON 3 1 SUBJECT AGREEMENT 1

slide-55
SLIDE 55
slide-56
SLIDE 56

Unification

— Two key roles:

slide-57
SLIDE 57

Unification

— Two key roles:

— Merge compatible feature structures

slide-58
SLIDE 58

Unification

— Two key roles:

— Merge compatible feature structures — Reject incompatible feature structures

slide-59
SLIDE 59

Unification

— Two key roles:

— Merge compatible feature structures — Reject incompatible feature structures

— Two structures can unify if

slide-60
SLIDE 60

Unification

— Two key roles:

— Merge compatible feature structures — Reject incompatible feature structures

— Two structures can unify if

— Feature structures are identical

— Result in same structure

slide-61
SLIDE 61

Unification

— Two key roles:

— Merge compatible feature structures — Reject incompatible feature structures

— Two structures can unify if

— Feature structures are identical

— Result in same structure

— Feature structures match where both have values,

differ in missing or underspecified — Resulting structure incorporates constraints of both

slide-62
SLIDE 62

Subsumption

— Relation between feature structures

— Less specific f.s. subsumes more specific f.s. — F

.s. F subsumes f.s. G iff

— For every feature x in F

, F(x) subsumes G(x)

— For all paths p and q in F s.t. F(p)=F(q), G(p)=G(q)

slide-63
SLIDE 63

Subsumption

— Relation between feature structures

— Less specific f.s. subsumes more specific f.s. — F

.s. F subsumes f.s. G iff

— For every feature x in F

, F(x) subsumes G(x)

— For all paths p and q in F s.t. F(p)=F(q), G(p)=G(q)

— Examples:

— A: [Number SG], B: [Person 3] — C:[Number SG]

— [Person 3]

slide-64
SLIDE 64

Subsumption

— Relation between feature structures

— Less specific f.s. subsumes more specific f.s. — F

.s. F subsumes f.s. G iff

— For every feature x in F

, F(x) subsumes G(x)

— For all paths p and q in F s.t. F(p)=F(q), G(p)=G(q)

— Examples:

— A: [Number SG], B: [Person 3] — C:[Number SG]

— [Person 3]

— A subsumes C; B subsumes C; B,A don’t subsume

— Partial order on f.s.

slide-65
SLIDE 65

Unification Examples

— Identical

— [Number SG] U [Number SG]

slide-66
SLIDE 66

Unification Examples

— Identical

— [Number SG] U [Number SG]=[Number SG]

— Underspecified

— [Number SG] U [Number []]

slide-67
SLIDE 67

Unification Examples

— Identical

— [Number SG] U [Number SG]=[Number SG]

— Underspecified

— [Number SG] U [Number []] = [Number SG]

— Different specification

— [Number SG] U [Person 3]

slide-68
SLIDE 68

Unification Examples

— Identical

— [Number SG] U [Number SG]=[Number SG]

— Underspecified

— [Number SG] U [Number []] = [Number SG]

— Different specification

— [Number SG] U [Person 3] = [Number SG] — [Person 3] — [Number SG] U [Number PL]

slide-69
SLIDE 69

Unification Examples

— Identical

— [Number SG] U [Number SG]=[Number SG]

— Underspecified

— [Number SG] U [Number []] = [Number SG]

— Different specification

— [Number SG] U [Person 3] = [Number SG] — [Person 3]

— Mismatched

— [Number SG] U [Number PL] à Fails!

slide-70
SLIDE 70

More Unification Examples

AGREEMENT [1] SUBJECT AGREEMENT [1] SUBJECT AGREEMENT PERSON 3 NUMBER SG U = SUBJECT AGREEMENT [1] PERSON 3 NUMBER SG AGREEMENT [1]

slide-71
SLIDE 71

Features in CFGs: Agreement

— Goal:

— Support agreement of NP/VP

, Det Nominal

— Approach:

— Augment CFG rules with features — Employ head features

— Each phrase: VP

, NP has head — Head: child that provides features to phrase — Associates grammatical role with word — VP – V; NP – Nom, etc

slide-72
SLIDE 72

Agreement with Heads and Features

VP à Verb NP <VP HEAD> = <Verb HEAD> NP à Det Nominal <NP HEAD> = <Nominal HEAD> <Det HEAD AGREEMENT> = <Nominal HEAD AGREEMENT> Nominal à Noun <Nominal HEAD> = <Noun HEAD> Noun à flights <Noun HEAD AGREEMENT NUMBER> = PL Verb à serves <Verb HEAD AGREEMENT NUMBER> = SG <Verb HEAD AGREEMENT PERSON> = 3

slide-73
SLIDE 73

Feature Applications

— Subcategorization:

— Verb-Argument constraints

— Number, type, characteristics of args (e.g. animate) — Also adjectives, nouns

— Long distance dependencies

— E.g. filler-gap relations in wh-questions, rel

slide-74
SLIDE 74

Implementing Unification

— Data Structure:

— Extension of the DAG representation — Each f.s. has a content field and a pointer field

— If pointer field is null, content field has the f.s. — If pointer field is non-null, it points to actual f.s.

slide-75
SLIDE 75

NUMBER SG PERSON 3

slide-76
SLIDE 76

Implementing Unification: II

— Algorithm:

— Operates on pairs of feature structures

— Order independent, destructive

— If fs1 is null, point to fs2 — If fs2 is null, point to fs1 — If both are identical, point fs1 to fs2, return fs2

— Subsequent updates will update both

— If non-identical atomic values, fail!

slide-77
SLIDE 77

Implementing Unification: III

— If non-identical, complex structures

— Recursively traverse all features of fs2 — If feature in fs2 is missing in fs1

— Add to fs1 with value null

— If all unify, point fs2 to fs1 and return fs1

slide-78
SLIDE 78

Example

AGREEMENT [1] NUMBER SG SUBJECT AGREEMENT [1] SUBJECT AGREEMENT PERSON 3 U [ AGREEMENT [1]] U [AGREEMENT [PERSON 3]] [NUMBER SG] U [PERSON 3] [NUMBER SG] U [PERSON 3] [PERSON NULL]

slide-79
SLIDE 79

Unification and the Earley Parser

— Employ constraints to restrict addition to chart — Actually pretty straightforward

—

slide-80
SLIDE 80

Unification and the Earley Parser

— Employ constraints to restrict addition to chart — Actually pretty straightforward

— Augment rules with feature structure

slide-81
SLIDE 81

Unification and the Earley Parser

— Employ constraints to restrict addition to chart — Actually pretty straightforward

— Augment rules with feature structure — Augment state (chart entries) with DAG

— Prediction adds DAG from rule — Completion applies unification (on copies)

— Adds entry only if current DAG is NOT subsumed

slide-82
SLIDE 82

Conclusion

— Features allow encoding of constraints

— Enables compact representation of rules — Supports natural generalizations

— Unification ensures compatibility of features

— Integrates easily with existing parsing mech.

— Many unification-based grammatical theories

slide-83
SLIDE 83

Unification Parsing

— Abstracts over categories

— S-> NP VP =>

— X0 -> X1 X2; <X0 cat> = S; <X1 cat>=NP; — <X2 cat>=VP

— Conjunction:

— X0->X1 and X2; <X1 cat> =<X2 cat>; — <X0 cat>=<X1 cat>

— Issue: Completer depends on categories — Solution: Completer looks for DAGs which unify

with the just-completed state’s DAG

slide-84
SLIDE 84

Extensions

— Types and inheritance

— Issue: generalization across feature structures

— E.g. many variants of agreement

— More or less specific: 3rd vs sg vs 3rdsg

— Approach: Type hierarchy

— Simple atomic types match literally — Multiple inheritance hierarchy

— Unification of subtypes is most general type that is more

specific than two input types

— Complex types encode legal features, etc

slide-85
SLIDE 85
slide-86
SLIDE 86
slide-87
SLIDE 87