whether the equity efficiency frontier slopes up or down
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E QUITY OBJECTIVES AND PUZZLES IN LINKING TAX AND SPENDING POLICIES Michael Keen Fiscal Affairs Department, IMF InequalityMeasurement, Trends, Impacts and Policies UNU-WIDER Conference, September 5-6, 2014 Views and errors are mine


  1. E QUITY OBJECTIVES AND PUZZLES IN LINKING TAX AND SPENDING POLICIES Michael Keen Fiscal Affairs Department, IMF “ Inequality—Measurement, Trends, Impacts and Policies” UNU-WIDER Conference, September 5-6, 2014 Views and errors are mine alone

  2. • Whether the equity-efficiency frontier slopes up or down, we want to be on it • For distributional impact, it is (only) the joint impact of taxes and spending that matters – ‘progressivity’ of individual items not in itself very informative – We are bad at taking this holistic view • (Incidence—We know very little about even the simplest instruments let alone the more complex ones)

  3. THE PUZZLE

  4. Generalized price support can be a very badly targeted way to support the poor Because although the poor may spend a larger proportion of their income on, say, food or fuel, the rich spend absolutely more —so most of the dollar benefit (revenue foregone) goes to them Plenty of examples….

  5. Example 1: Reduced rates of VAT • Zero rate on food in Mexico: 25 20 15 10 5 0 I II III IV V VI VII VIII IX X Percent of total subsidy Percent of income

  6. Example 2: Petroleum subsidies Kerosene Gasoline 2 1 3 6 1 9 1 0 2 0 2 0 1 9 6 1 2 1 Diesel LPG 7 4 8 1 2 4 2 1 3 1 6 5 4 2 1 2 3

  7. But the question is: Maybe these heavy costs are a price we have to pay for equity objectives? Real issue is: Are there better targeted ways to support the poor? Benefit to poor from subsidies can be sizable: – E.g. $0.25 per liter increase in fuel prices can reduce real consumption of poorest 20 percent by 5.5 percent

  8. For advanced economies, answer is/should be “Yes” For zero rating of food in the U.K.: 4 2 With 0 compensation -2 Without compensation -4 -6 -8 -10 Decile group by equivalent disposable income …using up only about half of the revenue gain

  9. What about emerging/developing? Only blunter spending instruments available, so policy case for rate differentiation stronger —but how strong?

  10. A condition Suppose ‘maximin’ concern only with very poorest Leaving aside behavioral effects, poorest gain from increasing rate on ‘food’ if and only if: Proportion of all food they consume Is less than (Proportion of $1 of public spending from which they benefit) × (Their valuation $1 of such spending, λ )

  11. Example 1: Cash transfers ( λ =1), For a cash transfer, condition is simply that consumption share lower than share in total cash benefits • For a poll subsidy, this must be the case if their consumption is below the average – Iran • And even more likely to be case if some element of pro-poor element in cash transfers

  12. Example 2: In-kind benefits (maybe λ≥ 1) In India example below, bottom 20 percent benefit from increased spending on curative health care if they account for less than 10 percent of ‘food’ consumption even if λ =1 —and a fortiori if λ > 1 40.0% 33.1% 30.0% 25.6% 20.0% 17.8% 13.4% 10.1% 10.0% 0.0% Poorest 2nd Middle 4th Richest 20% 20% 20%

  13. The moral seems to be: Price subsidies may be so badly targeted on poor that spending doesn’t have to be very well targeted to be a better way to help them —e.g. Ethiopia work (more needed!) Many qualifications: – Inferior goods – Some price subsidies may be even more poorly targeted: e.g. role of VAT thresholds – Always someone who can’t be protected

  14. SO WHY DO AREN’T BETTER TARGETED POLICIES ADOPTED?

  15. Efficiency considerations? E..g. U.K. reform above would raise effective marginal tax rates over some range • But in wider optimal tax context, question (for advanced economies) is whether low taxed goods are relatively strong substitutes for ‘leisure’ —not strong evidence • Arguments for emerging/developing —little explored

  16. Political economy to the fore… • The beneficiaries are powerful! • Distrust that spending benefits will be sustained • Cultural sensitivities – Sense that natural resources are ‘ours’ – In UK, taxing food political death poison since the Corn Laws • Inefficient policies as a signal of politician’s pro-poor preferences? • Stigma of income testing

  17. WAYS AHEAD?

  18. Can crises help? Value-Added Tax Changes in Advanced Economies: 2010-13 • Didn’t in advanced economies (right) 60 Share of Advanced Ecoomies (Percent) 50 Increase • In other cases, 40 Decrease support can 30 become fiscally 20 unsustainable: —recent subsidy 10 reduction in Egypt 0 Rate Base

  19. Transparency • Assessment of revenue foregone (tax expenditure analysis) and distributional impact necessary for informed discussion – And still much to do on this • But clearly not sufficient for policy change – E.g. No mystery about zero-rating issue in U.K.

  20. Earmarking? • For example – Ghana raised VAT standard rate from 10 to 15 percent earmarked to education and health • But either: (a) Constrains spending or (b) Is misleading and non-transparent • Last resort? • Links with PFM reform?

  21. Lessons from subsidy reform? – Comprehensive, detailed reform plan – Far-reaching communications strategy – Consider sequencing reform, to build up trust

  22. The possibilities are changing • Biometric cards in principle facilitate poll subsidies • Targeting by income or cruder indicator of needs – SNAP (‘food stamps’) in US • Retailers prohibited from charging any tax – Becoming feasible elsewhere: Egypt experiment with income-tested limit (5 loaves per day) on access to subsidized bread; excess can be spent on other things …as transition to removal?

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