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To unde rsta nd the fa ctors tha t le a d to the e m e rg e nce of ne w socia l a ctors a nd proce sse s, a s we ll a s the unde rlying force s of ine rtia a nd re sista nce , the e m pha sis in socia l


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SLIDE 1

 To unde

rsta nd the fa ctors tha t le a d to the e m e rg e nce

  • f ne

w socia l a ctors a nd proce sse s, a s we ll a s the unde rlying force s of ine rtia a nd re sista nce ,

 the

e m pha sis in socia l scie nce is on broa de r unde rsta nding of the re la tions be twe e n e cology , te chnology a nd socie ty .

 Ge

ne ra lly it is be lie ve d tha t e n vironm e nta l studie s m ust be inform e d b y plura list a nd com pa ra tive a sse ssm e nt of diffe re nt culture s a nd tra ditions of re se a rch .

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SLIDE 2

 Politica

l e cology is a re la tive ly ne w fie ld of re se a rch tha t ha s be e n wide ly discusse d a nd much used in recent analyses of interactions between humans and the environment.

 Politica

l e cology is a n inte rdisciplina ry a pproa ch

 Ce

ntra l to politica l e cology is the in-de pth e xa m ina tion of socia l structure s in the ir globa l a nd historica l conte xts to e xpla in e n vironm e nta l cha ng e .

 The

analysis of the various actors, their interests, a ctions, a nd the discourse s tha t look at environmentally induced conflicts .

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SLIDE 3

 Their focus remains on politica

l conflicts be twe e n sta ke holde rs a t diffe re nt le ve ls of a dm inistra tion a nd re la tions.

 The

  • the

r influe ntia l line

  • f a

rgum e nt conce rns the reflection on resource access and use and power – mainly viewed through the lens of gender.

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SLIDE 4

 Am

  • ng the

que stions tha t politica l e cology de a ls with a re : (i) how both na ture a nd socie ta l structure s de te rm ine e a ch othe r a nd sha pe a cce ss to na tura l re source s; (ii) how constructe d conce pts/knowle dg e a bout socie ty a nd na ture contribute to sha ping hum a n- e n vironm e nt re la tions; (iii) conne ctions be twe e n a cce ss to a nd control ove r re source s a nd e n vironm e nta l cha ng e .

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SLIDE 5

 “politica

l e cology” is a n a re a

  • f re

se a rch ide ntifie d in the critica l re se a rch pe rspe ctive inspire d b y cultura l a nd politica l e conom ic studie s [politica l e conom y] Much of the politica l e cology thinking wa s confine d to a rura l, third world conte xt until re ce ntly .

 Now e

xte nde d to urba n a re a

  • s. UPE is now a

n influe ntia l a pproa ch to e cologica l studie s.

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SLIDE 6

 This a

pproa ch a llows a n in ve stiga tion into the com ple x issue s of how pa rticula r urba n e n vironm e nt is produce d ; a nd who ga ins a nd who lose s due to pa rticula r powe r re la tions ; a nd who a re a ctors influe ncing cha ng e s within the urba n e n vironm e nt . > (Ka ika , 2005; Swyng e douw a nd He yne n, 2003; Swyng e douw a nd Ka ika , 2000; Bra un a nd Ca stre e , 1 998; Swyng e douw , 1 996).

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SLIDE 7

 Urba

n Politica l Econom y is se e n in politico- m a te ria l a nd g e

  • gra

phic pe rspe ctive s;

 Se

e n a s a colla g e

  • f pa

st a nd pre se nt, a com bina tion of diffe re nt e le m e nts tha t binds the concre te fa bric of the city a nd its com m

  • difica

tion (Ha rve y);

 So , for urba

n politica l e cologists, uncove ring the intrica te powe r re la tions is e xtre m e ly im porta nt for unde rsta nding conte m pora ry socio- e n vironm e nta l proce sse s.

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SLIDE 8

 Politica

l e cology schola rship ha s be e n la rg e ly m

  • tiva

te d b y the e thics of socio-e n vironm e nta l justice which is a lso the ce ntra l conce rn of e n vironm e nta l justice m

  • ve

m e nt a nd lite ra ture . An im porta nt insight of e n vironm e nta l justice pe rspe ctive is tha t ne ithe r the costs of pollution nor the be ne fits of e n vironm e nta l prote ction a re e ve nly distribute d in our socie ty .

 The

se dispa ritie s ste m from socio-e conom ic a nd politica l ine qua litie s .

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SLIDE 9

 The

re fore , politica l e cology a pproa ch com bine s e le m e nts of civil rights, socia l justice , a nd re spe ct for e n vironm e nt .

 --- com

m itte d to re ve rsing pa st pra ctice s tha t ha ve ha d the e ffe ct of pla cing disproportiona te ly la rg e e cologica l a nd e conom ic burde ns on the poore r se ctions of the popula tion (Fa be r, 1 998)

 For insta

nce , gra ssroots m

  • ve

m e nt-ba se d pe rspe ctive de fine s e n vironm e nt a s “the pla ce you work, the pla ce whe re you live .

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SLIDE 10

 One

  • f the

cha ra cte ristics of politica l e cology is tha t it is not a cohe re nt ‘gra nd’ the

  • ry

, but ra the r a spe cific le ns through which one ca n e xa m ine the inte ra ctions be twe e n the e n vironm e nt a nd socie ty .

 Schola

rs do so from diffe re nt vie wpoints a nd re lying on ve ry diffe re nt disciplina ry ba ckgrounds (g e

  • gra

ph y , a nthropology , sociology , politica l

 scie

nce , e conom ics, history a nd m a na g e m e nt).

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SLIDE 11

 Ve

ry ofte n dia m e trica lly oppose d pa ra digm s a nd the

  • rie

s (for insta nce ,libe ra l a nd ne

  • -libe

ra l vs. ne

  • -Ma

rxist; positivistic ve rsus post positivistic , e coce ntric a nd a nthropoce ntric; north a nd south] a re brought forwa rd b y re se a rche rs who de a l with a sim ila r fie ld of scie ntific inquiry , i.e . hum a n- na ture inte ra ctions a nd the ir m utua l e ffe cts.

 Most works in the

fie ld of politica l e cology a re distinct ca se studie s of diffe re nt, loca l re a l-life proble m s.

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SLIDE 12

 Prior to the

1 970s the te rm “politica l e cology” ha d a ppe a re d in a num be r of studie s on la nd use a nd politica l e conom y .

 Since

m id 1 980s this a pproa ch looks a t e n vironm e nta l que stions ba sing on a ne

  • -Ma

lthusia n fra m e work.

 The

  • rigina

l the

  • re

m

  • f Ma

lthus sta te d tha t while food production le ve ls grow a t a line a r ra te , hum a n popula tion grows a t g e

  • m

e tric ra te if unche cke d. Ma lthus pre dicte d a de cre a se

  • f a

va ila ble food pe r ca pita with e nsuing fa m ine s a nd the e ve ntua l e xtinction of the hum a n ra ce . This g e ne ra l ide a

  • f e

cologic de te rm inism wa

s ta ke n up a nd broa de ne d to include

  • the

r re source s tha n food.

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SLIDE 13

 The

a ssum ption wa s m a de tha t popula tion pre ssure

  • n re

source s (PPR) le a ds to re source sca rcity .

 Within the

m a instre a m e n vironm e nta l conflict a nd se curity studie s publishe d since the be ginning of the 1 990s, a gre a t num be r of schola rs a na lyse conflict or wa r a s a re sult of re source sca rcity .

 One

  • f the

be st-known ne

  • -Ma

lthusia n schola rs who links re source sca rcity to conflict is Hom e r- Dixon (1 994; 1 996; 1 998).

slide-14
SLIDE 14

 in cla

ssica l m

  • de

ls of com m

  • n re

source the

  • rie

s m uch e m pha sis is pla ce d on individua l a ctions a nd priva te inte re sts a s e xpla ine d b y Elinor Ostrom a nd G Ha rdin with re spe ct to use a nd outcom e

  • f the

re source use .

 According to Ga

rre t Ha rdin, individua ls, a cting inde pe nde ntly a nd ra tiona lly a ccording to e a ch one 's se lf-inte re st, be ha ve contra ry to the whole group's long- te rm be st inte re sts b y de ple ting som e com m

  • n

re source

  • s. This he

e xplica te d in a n e ssa y : The Tra g e dy

  • f the

Com m

  • ns", publishe

d in the journa l, Science.

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SLIDE 15

 The

tragedy of the commons ca n be conside re d in re la tion to e n vironm e nta l issue s such a s susta ina bility .

 The

com m

  • n

’s dile m m a sta nds a s a m

  • de

l for a gre a t va rie ty of re source proble m s in socie ty toda y , such a s wa te r, fore sts, fish, a nd non- re ne wa ble e ne rgy source s such a s oil a nd coa l.

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SLIDE 16

 Com

m

  • n prope

rty re gim e s a rise whe n a ppropria tors a cting inde pe nde ntly thre a te n the tota l ne t be ne fit from com m

  • n-pool re

source .

 In com

m

  • n prope

rty re gim e s, a cce ss to the re source is not fre e , a nd com m

  • n-pool re

source s a re not public goods. While the re is re la tive ly fre e but m

  • nitore

d a cce ss to the re source syste m for com m unity m e m be rs, the re a re m e cha nism s in pla ce which a llow the com m unity to e xclude

  • utside

rs from using its re source .

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SLIDE 17

Ana lysing the de sign of long-e nduring CPR institutions, Elinor Ostrom ide ntifie d e ight de sign principle s which a re pre re quisite s for a sta ble CPR a rra ng e m e nt:

 Cle

a rly de fine d bounda rie s ;Congrue

nce be twe e n a ppropria tion a nd provision of rule s a nd loca l conditions;

Colle

ctive

  • choice

a rra ng e m e nts a

llowing for the pa rticipa tion of m

  • st of the

a ppropria tors in the de cision m a king proce ss;  Effe

ctive m

  • nitoring b

y m

  • nitors who a

re pa rt of or a ccounta ble to the a ppropria tors;

Gra

dua te d sa nctions for a ppropria tors who do not re spe ct com m unity

rule s;

 Conflict-re

solution m e cha nism s

which a re

 che

a p a nd e a sy of a cce ss; Minim a l re cognition of rights to orga nize (e

.g., b y the gove rnm e nt) ; In ca se

  • f la

rge r CPRs:

 Orga

nisa tion in the form

  • f m

ultiple la ye rs of ne ste d e nte rprise s

, with sm a ll, loca l CPRs a t the ir ba se s.

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SLIDE 18

 The

re ha s be e n som e furthe r de ve lopm e nt in the politica l e cology a pproa ch in la ndm a rk studie s done b y politica l e cologists.

 For insta

nce in a study done b y Bla ikie a nd Brookfie ld (1 987), the a uthors de scribe d the inte rtwine d a nd re ciproca l re la tions be twe e n la nd use a nd the e n vironm e nt in the ca se

  • f soil

e

  • rosion. [Bla

ikie , Pie rs a nd Ha rold Brookfie ld. 1 987 . Land Degradation and Society]

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SLIDE 19

 In the

pa st, it wa s thought to be re sult of hum a n a ctions.

 But now the

a uthors show tha t the ca use

  • f soil

e rosion a lso be ca use

  • f ce

rta in ne tworks a nd a distinct form

  • f socia

l structure .

 For insta

nce , Bla ikie a nd Brookfie ld (1 987), ba se d on the a na lysis of m a rgina lity .

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SLIDE 20

 The

e cologica l conce pt of m a rgina l zone s whe re population pressure on flora or fauna is high,

 a

nd the conce pt of m a rgina lity whe re the population

  • f raw material producing zones do not g

e t the ir due sha re

  • f the

re ve nue s;

 a

na lyse land degradation on the basis of causal chains between the ‘land managers’ and their land,

  • ther land users, groups in the wider society who

affect them, the state and, ultimately, the global economy.

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SLIDE 21

 Bla

ikie a nd Brookfie ld unde rpine d the ir a pproa ch with a n im porta nt body of re se a rch, m a inly a na lysing diffe re nt form s of la nd use in va rious countrie s in a historica l pe rspe ctive . The y illustra te d the ir the

  • rie

s with a n in-de pth ca se study of la nd de gra da tion a nd soil e rosion in Ne pa l.

 Re

se a rche rs be ca m e inte re ste d in nonline a r situa tions whe re a syste m e xhibits e xtre m e se nsitivity to va ria tions in initia l conditions.

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SLIDE 22

 The

tre a dm ill of production wa s thus, prim a rily a n e conom ic cha ng e the

  • ry

, but one tha t ha d dire ct im plica tions for na tura l re source e xtra ction a s we ll a s for the

  • pportunity

structure for worke

  • rs. In e

sse nce , the “tre a dm ill” com pone nt re cognize d tha t the na ture

  • f ca

pita l in ve stm e nt le d to highe r a nd highe r le ve ls of de m a nd for na tura l re source s for a give n le ve l of socia l we lfa re (including wa g e s a nd socia l e xpe nditure s).

 Ea

ch round of in ve stm e nt we a ke ne d the e m plo ym e nt situa tion for production worke rs a nd worse ne d e n vironm e nta l conditions, but it incre a se d profits.

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SLIDE 23

 Tre

a dm ill the

  • ry focuse

d on the socia l, e conom ic, a nd e n vironm e nta l conditions for stakeholders (workers and community residents).

 Simultaneously, expansion of the

tre a dm ill structure e nha nce d the e conom ic a nd politica l powe r of shareholders(in ve stors a nd m a na g e rs).

 Politica

l g a ins for sha re holde rs include d a growing ca pa city to induce both gove rnm e nt a nd la bor unions to support still m

  • re

in ve stm e nt of this sort, to e m ploy displa ce d a nd ne w worke rs, a nd to a ugm e nt sta te ta x re ve nue s.

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SLIDE 24

Sim ila rly, re se a rch in e nvironm e nta l e duca tion de m

  • nstra

te s tha t knowle dge a nd be ha viour a re not we ll linke d.

 In a

surve y of the fra m e works use d to e xpla in the ga p be twe e n e n vironm e nta l knowle dg e a nd e n vironm e nta l be ha viour, Kollm us a nd Agye m a n (2002) conclude d tha t cognition is

  • nly a

sm a ll pa rt of e n vironm e nta lly-re sponsive be ha viour.

 The

y a rgue tha t the re a re thre e m a jor ba rrie rs to pro-e n vironm e nta l be ha viour: La ck of inte rna l ince ntive , la ck of e n vironm e nta l consciousne ss, a nd la ck of e xte rna l options. [Kollm us, A., & Agye m a n, J. (2002). Mind the ga p: Wh y do pe

  • ple

a ct e n vironm e nta lly a nd wha t a re the ba rrie rs to pro-e n vironm e nta l be ha viour? Environmental Education Research, 8 (3), 239- 260

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SLIDE 25

 Ce

ntra l to Politica l e cology a pproa ch is e n vironm e nta l cha ng e a nd the ir politica l im plica tions. Following studie s inspire d b y ne

  • -Ma

rxist conce ptions politica l e cology a pproa che s we re conside ra bly broa de ne d b y ne w m e thods a nd conce pts. Focus re m a ins on discourse s on the study of fore st use a nd in volving fore st re soruce s. In a la ndm a rk study in Ja va (1 992), Pe luso, Na ncy Le e de scribe s the struggle be twe e n loca l inha bita nts a nd the gove rnm e nt ove r the use

  • f the

ra infore

  • st. she

a na lyse d this loca l conflict in a broa de r historica l pe rspe ctive .

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SLIDE 26

 Pe

luso, Na ncy Le e (1 992) in a la ndm a rk study , ` Rich Fore sts, Poor Pe

  • ple

. Re source Control a nd Re sista nce in Ja va ’, de scribe s the struggle be twe e n loca l inha bita nts a nd the gove rnm e nt ove r the use

  • f the

ra infore st.

 She shows, how millions of Javanese peasants live

alongside state-controlled forest lands in one of the world's most densely populated agricultural regions.

 And how the

ir le ga l a cce ss a nd custom a ry rights to the fore st ha ve be e n se ve re ly lim ite d, the se pe a sa nts ha ve be e n pushe d towa rd ille ga l use

  • f fore

st re source s.

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SLIDE 27

 Pe

luso a lso re counts how the gove rnm e nt’s m e thods of crim ina lizing tra ditiona l fore st-use pra ctice s through ne w prope rty rights a re sub ve rte d b y ‘ille ga l be ha viour’ of the loca l popula tion.

 Loca

l com m unitie s re de fine d the ir le gitim a te right to use the fore st b y producing a counte r-discourse .

 Pe

luso’s work ha s pa ve d the ground for m uch of the curre nt politica l e cology work ba se d on discourse a na lysis.

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SLIDE 28

 Discourse

a na lysis [post structura lism ] is one

  • f

the m

  • st im

porta nt m e thods in politica l e cology .

 Discourse

/la ngua g e pla ys a n im porta nt role in conce iving of the re la tions a nd struggle s for one ’s rights to la nd a nd othe r re source s.

 In discourse

a na lysis, loca l conflict is se e n in a broa de r historica l pe rspe ctive , which include s the de scription of tra ditiona l pa tte rns of a cce ss to, a nd use

  • f, fore

st re source s;

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SLIDE 29

 At the

root of post-structura lism is the re je ction of the ide a tha t the re is a n y truly e sse ntia l form to a cultura l product, a s a ll cultura l products a re b y the ir ve ry na ture form e d, a nd the re fore a rtificia l/constructe d.

 Structura

lists look a t the founda tiona l structure s im plicit in a ll productions of a culture , a nd unde rta ke a n a na lysis of the m a n y pa rts tha t cre a te som e thing, to g e t a be tte r unde rsta nding of the cre a tion.

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SLIDE 30

 He

re , a na lyse s of re pre se nta tions a s socia l fa cts a re inse pa ra ble from wha t is com m

  • nly thought
  • f a

s “m a te ria l re a lity”’ (Escoba r 1 996).

 The

ide a tha t la ngua g e is not a re fle ction of re a lity , but constitutive

  • f it.

 In a

discourse a na lytic fra m e na ture is signifie d or re signifie d through the use

  • f la

ngua g e s‘;

 a

n a tte m pt a t re signifying na ture , re source s, a nd b y conce ption of e a rth a nd in its pla ce in the hum a n world.

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SLIDE 31

 Escobe

r , for insta nce , a rgue d tha t tha t toda y’s susta ina ble de ve lopm e nt discourse

  • tha

t ha d its origins in the Club of Rom e re port a nd ga ine d broa de r re cognition a fte r the Brundtla nd Re port - through the pe rm a ne nt stre ssing of the m a na g e m e nt of re source s, a nd conce ption of the Ea rth a s a ‘gia nt m a rke t /utility com pa n y’ (Escoba r 1 996).

slide-32
SLIDE 32

 For Escobe

r, this ‘se m iotic conque st of na ture ’ b y the susta ina ble de ve lopm e nt m

  • ve

m e nt is ‘a n a tte m pt a t re signifying na ture , re source s, the Ea rth, a nd hum a n life itse lf on a sca le not known be fore the rise

  • f e

m pirica l scie nce s a nd the ir re construction of na ture ’ (A Escoba r 1 996).

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SLIDE 33

 Anothe

r e le m e nt stre sse d b y post-structura list politica l e cologists is the construction of e n vironm e nta l re a litie s b y scie ntific discourse .

 Whe

the r a n a re a will be cla ssifie d a s e nda ng e re d or should be prote cte d is ofte n de fine d or a t le a st influe nce b y scie ntific discourse s.

 Whe

the r the public will pe rce ive e n vironm e nta l risks a s im m ine nt a nd the ir own a ctions a s ha ving conse que nce s

  • n na

ture , m

  • stly de

pe nds on politica l a g e nda s a nd m e dia cove ra g e [ de pe nds on the wa y na ture is pre se nte d].

slide-34
SLIDE 34

 Schola

rs , using post structura list a pproa ch, que stions popula r discourse s on globa lisa tion a nd susta ina ble de ve lopm e nt a s globa l discourse s ba se d on sha re d m yths or blue prints of the world, a nd the politica l pre scriptions flowing from the m a re

  • fte

n ina ppropria te for loca l re a litie s ’ .

slide-35
SLIDE 35

Anothe r wa y of looking a t the e n vironm e nt a nd socie ty is to e xa m ine powe r re la tions within a nd be twe e n diffe re nt socia l a ctors

.

 Espe

cia lly g e nde r ha s be e n a the m e

  • f gre

a t im porta nce to politica l e cology re se a rche rs.

 Besides examining and describing historical

patterns and traditions of land use and ownership, political ecology scholars have often resorted to analytical categories such as class , ethnicity , or gender in order to describe unequal patterns of power and resource access.

slide-36
SLIDE 36

 The

g e nde re d a pproa ch to the e n vironm e nt dra ws

  • n two diffe

re nt stre a m s of thoughts inte gra ting a nd prom

  • ting wom

e n a s ke y a ctors within e n vironm e nta l de ve lopm e nt progra m m e s;

 The

WED-a pproa ch wa s cha ra cte rise d b y the e cofe m inist be lie f in wom e n ’s ‘na tura l a nd spiritua l close ne ss ’ to na ture , but it focuse d on wom e n ’s productivity a nd se rvice provision ra the r tha n the ir a ctua l ne e ds .

slide-37
SLIDE 37

 With som

e va ria tion in g e nde r a pproa ch, the GAD conce pt conce ptua lise s the role

  • f wom

e n a nd m e n within the ir e n vironm e nt a s be ing ‘e sta blishe d a nd m a inta ine d through powe r a nd a uthority , a nd the re fore intrinsica lly conte ste d a nd dyna m ic.

 Fe

m inist politica l e cology trie s to ove rcom e the rigidne ss a nd e sse ntia lism

  • f the

a fore m e ntione d conce pts of g e nde r a nd ‘builds on a na lyse s of ide ntity a nd diffe re nce .

slide-38
SLIDE 38

 Third im

porta nt pe rspe ctive

  • f politica

l e cology .

 It re

fute s tra ditiona l (ne

  • -Ma

lthusia n, ‘tra g e dy

  • f the

com m

  • ns

’) a ssum ptions of incre a sing a ggre ga te popula tion pre ssure

  • n lim

ite d re source s of com m

  • n prope

rty .

slide-39
SLIDE 39

 The

e ntitle m e nts a pproa ch se ts out to e xa m ine ‘the role

  • f diffe

re nt institutions in m e dia ting the re la tionships be twe e n diffe re nt socia l a ctors, a nd diffe re nt com pone nts of loca l e cologie s’ (Le a ch e t a

  • l. 1

999).

 According to this logic the

‘disa ggre ga ting’ of the e n vironm e nt in its diffe re nt com pone nts is ne ce ssa ry to fully unde rsta nd the com ple xitie s of e n vironm e nta l dyna m ics.

slide-40
SLIDE 40

 Inde

e d, the re a re insta nce s whe re , e ve n whe n the re is ple nty of a n a ggre ga te re source (food, la nd, e tc), pe

  • ple

in a pa rticula r socia l situa tion m ight not ha ve a cce ss to, or control ove r it, thus fa cing de priva tion a nd loss of control ove r those re source s re sulting e xtre m e de priva tion , a s in the ca se

  • f fa

m ine .

 The

e ntitle m e nts a pproa ch dra ws on Am a rtya Se n ’s (1 98 1) study tha t highlighte d tha t a cce ss to food ra the r tha n the la ck of food production ca use s fa m ine .

slide-41
SLIDE 41

 To m

a ke his point Se n dra ws a com pa rison with civil rights in the Unite d Sta te s whe re e ve ry citize n ha s the constitutiona l right to vote .

 Howe

ve r, it is the ca pa bility to m a ke use

  • f one

’ right to vote tha t de te rm ine s whe the r or not citize ns a ctua lly vote .

 Sim

ila rly , whe n it com e s to la nd a nd othe r re source a cce ss, it is not the a va ila bility of it, but the com m a nd ove r it tha t le a ds to sudde n cha ng e s in inte r-group distribution pa tte rns (Se n 1 98 1)

slide-42
SLIDE 42

 Ana

lysing thre e m a jor fa m ine s (Be ng a l 1 943, Ethiopia 1 97 8, Ba ngla de sh 1 979), Se n a sks whe the r the re (i) wa s a m e a sura ble de cre a se

  • f a

va ila ble food; (ii) wha t occupa tiona l a nd socia l sta tus do fa m ine victim s posse ss; a nd (iii) whe the r

  • r not fa

m ine victim s suffe r a sha rp de cre a se

  • f the

ir e ntitle m e nts to food – a nd if so, wh y .

 Se

n de m

  • nstra

te s tha t in a ll thre e fa m ine s shorta g e

  • f food

wa s not the prim a ry fa ctor for the fa m ine . Ra the r a m a rgina lise d se gm e nt of the popula tion ha d suffe re d a colla pse

  • f the

ir m e a ns of com m a nd ove r food, thus turning the m into fa m ine victim s.