The colon as a separate prosodic category: Tonal evidence from Paic - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

flionnet@princeton.edu Introduction Paicî Colon-based Analysis Alternatives Conclusion The colon as a separate prosodic category: Tonal evidence from Paicî (Oceanic, New Caledonia) Florian Lionnet Princeton University WCCFL 36, UCLA, 20-22 April 2018 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 / 41

Introduction Paicî Colon-based Analysis Alternatives Conclusion Introduction Prosodic Hierarchy (PH, up to Prosodic Word): Prosodic Word ( ω ) [{( σσ ) Ft ( σσ ) Ft } κ ] ω | Foot ( Ft ) ( σσ ) Ft ( σσ ) Ft | Syllable ( σ ) σσσσ | Mora ( µ ) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 / 41

Introduction Paicî Colon-based Analysis Alternatives Conclusion PH + Colon = Constituent made of two feet: { Ft + Ft } κ [Stowell 1979; Halle and Clements 1983: 18-19; Hammond 1987; Hayes 1995: 119; Green 1997; a.o.] Prosodic Word ( ω ) [{( σσ ) Ft ( σσ ) Ft } κ ] ω | Colon ( κ ) {( σσ ) Ft ( σσ ) Ft } κ | Foot ( Ft ) ( σσ ) Ft ( σσ ) Ft | Syllable ( σ ) σσσσ | Mora ( µ ) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 / 41

Introduction Paicî Colon-based Analysis Alternatives Conclusion Justifjcation for the colon ( κ ) : mostly tertiary stress. “It is clear that in order to derive four levels of stress (primary, secondary, tertiary, unstressed), four levels of structure (prosodic word, colon , foot, syllable) are called for.” (Green 1997: 102) Example: Hungarian [Hammond 1987] Pr.Word: [x ] Colon : {x }{x } Foot: (x .)(x .)(x .)(x ) kíʃ.kuːn.fèː.lɛɟ.hâː.zaː.bɔ̀n ‘in Kiskúnfélegyháza’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 / 41

Introduction Paicî Colon-based Analysis Alternatives Conclusion Colon -based analysis proposed for a dozen languages so far: Passamaquoddy [Stowell 1979; Hayes 1995: 215-216; Green 1997: 104-109] Tiberian Hebrew [Dresher 1981] Garawa [Halle and Clements 1983: 20-21; Halle and Vergnaud 1987: 43; Hayes 1995: 202] Hungarian [Hammond 1987; Hayes 1995: 330; Green 1997: 102-104] Maithili [Hayes 1995: 149-162] Eastern Ojibwa [Hayes 1995: 216-218; Green 1997: 109-112] Asheninca [Hayes 1995: 288-296; Green 1997: 112-114] Neo-Štokavian (Serbo-Croatian) [Green 1997: 115, 116] 3 Goidelic varieties [Green 1997: 120-133] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 / 41

Introduction Paicî Colon-based Analysis Alternatives Conclusion The colon is controversial: Unnecessary in Garawa and Maithili [Green 1997: 116-120] Empirical evidence contested in at least two cases: Passamaquoddy [LeSourd 1993] Hungarian [Siptár and Törkenczy 2000: 21-22] In general tertiary stress is controversial Thus rejected by most recent metrical theories: either implicitly [Elenbaas and Kager 1999; Hyde 2002] or explicitly [Martínez-Paricio 2012, 2013; Martínez-Paricio and Kager 2015, 2016]. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 / 41

Introduction Paicî Colon-based Analysis Alternatives Conclusion In this paper: Claim: we need to include the colon in the PH. Evidence: tonal processes, including an unusual downstep pattern, attested in Paicî (Oceanic, New Caledonia). This is the fjrst piece of tonal evidence in favor of the colon. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 / 41

Introduction Paicî Colon-based Analysis Alternatives Conclusion Road map: Downstep in Paicî 1 Colon-based Analysis 2 Evaluating the colon analysis and alternatives 3 Conclusion 4 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 / 41

Introduction Paicî Colon-based Analysis Alternatives Conclusion 1. Downstep in Paicî . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 / 41

Introduction Paicî Colon-based Analysis Alternatives Conclusion Paicî Oceanic, New Caledonia, tonal All data from Jean-Claude Rivierre’s research [Rivierre 1974, 1983; Bensa and Rivierre 1994] Data confjrmed in Dec. 2017 in Tchamba (NC) with native speaker Hélène Nimbaye . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 / 41

Introduction Paicî Colon-based Analysis Alternatives Conclusion Paicî: tonal inventory Two contrastive tones: H vs. L Rivierre Reanalysis H H M L L ꜜL TBU: mora Most lexical items are monotonal, i.e. either all H or all L. Monomorphemic lexical items are rarely longer than 5 µ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 / 41

Introduction Paicî Colon-based Analysis Alternatives Conclusion Tonal processes H tones are stable, not afgected by any tonal processes L tones are targeted by two tonal processes: Downstep (H-spread, as we will see later) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 / 41

Introduction Paicî Colon-based Analysis Alternatives Conclusion Paicî: Downstep 1 ∼ 3 µ words: no downstep µ ̀: ù pwʌ̰̀ ‘breath’ ‘turtle’ µ ̀ µ ̀: nèè cʌ̰̀mì ‘name’ ‘to plant’ µ ̀ µ ̀ µ ̀: pwààì ùdʌ̀rɨ̀ ‘tree sp.’ ‘to disjoin’ 4 µ + words: downstep after 2 nd mora: µ ̀ µ ̀ꜜ µ ̀ µ ̀: àùꜜkɔ̀ɔ̀ pʌ̀ɟàꜜɟìì ) ‘cagou’ ‘molar tooth’ ▲ ) ) µ ̀ µ ̀ꜜ µ ̀ µ ̀ µ ̀: ɛ̀àꜜàràbwà pwèrèꜜtɔ̀ɔ̀tɨ̀ ‘crab sp.’ ) ‘wind’ ▲ ) ) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 / 41

Introduction Paicî Colon-based Analysis Alternatives Conclusion Paicî: Downstep Lower register is then maintained throughout the utterance: /è tèàpàà nà̰à̰ cá̰bà/ [e³ te³a³pa¹a¹ na̰¹a̰¹ ca̰³ba¹] ) ▲ ) ) (s)he arrive at Tchamba ⇓ [è tèàꜜpàà nà̰à̰ cá̰bà] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 / 41

Introduction Paicî Colon-based Analysis Alternatives Conclusion Paicî: Downstep Questions to solve: Why downstep after 2 nd mora? = initial bimoraic foot ( µ ̀ µ ̀) Why no downstep after 2 nd mora in 2 ∼ 3 µ words, i.e. why does there need to be at least 4 µ ? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 / 41

Introduction Paicî Colon-based Analysis Alternatives Conclusion 2. Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 / 41

Introduction Paicî Colon-based Analysis Alternatives Conclusion Hypothesis 1: foot-based Hypothesis 1a: Downstep after initial L-toned bimoraic foot Does not work: Prediction Facts 1 µ : pwʌ̰̀ ! µ ̀ µ ̀ 2 µ : ( µ ̀ µ ̀)ꜜ cʌ̰̀mì * µ ̀ µ ̀ 3 µ : ( µ ̀ µ ̀)ꜜ µ ̀ ùdʌ̀rɨ̀ * µ ̀ µ ̀ µ ̀ 4 µ : ( µ ̀ µ ̀)ꜜ( µ ̀ µ ̀) µ ̀ µ ̀ꜜ µ ̀ µ ̀ pʌ̀ɟàꜜɟìì ! . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 / 41

Introduction Paicî Colon-based Analysis Alternatives Conclusion Hypothesis 1: foot-based Hypothesis 1b: Downstep between fjrst two L-toned bimoraic feet (OCP) Works with data presented so far: Prediction Facts 1 µ : pwʌ̰̀ ! µ ̀ µ ̀ 2 µ : ( µ ̀ µ ̀) cʌ̰̀mì ! µ ̀ µ ̀ 3 µ : ( µ ̀ µ ̀) µ ̀ ùdʌ̀rɨ̀ ! µ ̀ µ ̀ µ ̀ 4 µ : ( µ ̀ µ ̀)ꜜ( µ ̀ µ ̀) µ ̀ µ ̀ꜜ µ ̀ µ ̀ pʌ̀ɟàꜜɟìì ! So far: no need for colon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 / 41

Introduction Paicî Colon-based Analysis Alternatives Conclusion Problem: Juncture H-spread Head+Complement phrases Genitive Aspect + Verb (a.o.) Derivational pfx + Verb/Noun Cv̀ head + L-toned complement: Cv̀+LL... → Cv̀+HL... H-tone morpheme between Hd and Cp, realized on Cp. /rʌ̀ wà̰dò/ [rʌ̀ wà̰dò] ) ▲ ) ) → ‘They drink.” they drink /rʌ̀ pì- +H+ wà̰dò/ [rʌ̀ pì-wá̰dò] ) ▲ ) ) → ‘They are getting drunk.” they mid- drink . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 / 41