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Gent rif iers or af f ordable housing consumers? Living alone and owning one s home in the inner city: the case of Montral, Canada Damaris Rose INRS - Urbanisation, Culture et Socit Institut national de la recherche scientifique ,


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Gent rif iers or af f ordable housing consumers? Living alone and owning one s home

in the inner city: the case of Montréal,

Canada

Damaris Rose

INRS-Urbanisation, Culture et Société

Institut national de la recherche scientifique,

Montréal

damaris_rose@inrs- ucs.uquebec.ca

Presentation at Adequate and affordable housing for all , ISA Built Environment Committee Conference, Toronto, 24-27 June 2004. Corrected version (Aug. 2004).

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Plan of present at ion

Introduction Objectives of paper Context of case study of purchasers of

non-luxury new condominiums in Montréal Selected findings re sub-group of one- person households

drawn both from postal questionnaire survey and from follow-up qualitative interviews

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  • N. Am, Euro cities c.1970-:

1-person

households [1PH]

major societal changes

(Hall & Ogden 2003)

Since 1990s: prevalence of homeownership

among this group

  • Imp. subgroup = key part of inner-city new

condominium mkt (infill; brownfield)

envt appeals to single Yuppie lifestyle , is supportive of non-family living arrangements

luxury units, pieds-à-terre (mobile elite workers) affordable hsg for 1st-time buyers (incl. new

economy workers) local state may facilitate/ subsidize construction

I nt roduct ion (1 of 3)

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I nt roduct ion (2 of 3)

Paradox in existing literature:

sees homeownership by 1PH, incl. women, as

important in the aggregate;

however, lit. on housing careers + meanings of home vis-à-vis life course still neglects those who buy 1st home while living alone

moreover,most work on gentrifying consumption landscapes portrays single

Yuppie as young, footloose monotype (rare

exceptions: Wynne & O Connor 1998; Authier et al. 2001)

Little known re motivations of 1PH for this form of homeownership, re values they attach to home, neighbourhood

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I nt roduct ion (3 of 3)

Why this paradox? Living alone still equated with low income, instability, transient phase in life course/ housing career

this presumes living alone = single ,

unattached want live-in partner also ignores age differences in economic + personal stability, and in aspirations (critique:

Feijten et al. 2003)

lack of longitudinal/retrospective data in rare qualitative studies, gentrifiers living alone are mostly 35 (e.g. Bondi 1999)

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Obj ect ives of paper

Draw on exploratory case study of people living alone among 1st-time buyers of non-luxury new condos in gentrifying Montréal neighbourhoods

Source: broader study (for metho, see Annex 1): 1) mail survey, Mar. 2001, N=423 (45% response rate) 2) 50 qualitative interviews, Feb.-Apr. 2002

  • Shed light on group obscured behind stereotypes

by presenting selected findings re: Sample characteristics Motivations for shift renting

  • wning?

What qualities of neighbourhood sought out, appreciated significance of centrality ?

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Mont réal case st udy some local cont ext

Sampled condos small-scale (physically integrated) infill + recycled bldgs in pre-1920 central nhoods in various stages of gentrification

Municipal supply- + demand-side subsidies

reduced purchase/initial carrying costs;

property tax base ( 80% of City revenue) diversify tenure choice for existing + new residents with modest/middle incomes

historically, local culture of property = city of tenants

(Choko & Harris 1990)

proactive municipal policy (1979-) to reverse population loss to suburbs (Germain & Rose 2000)

NB also includes facilitating non-profit rental hsg

to extent possible given federal + provincial

policies

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City of Montréal leaflet* promoting property

t ax credit on purchase of a newly-built home

*reproduced here by permission

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Examples of inf ill condos in st udy: Cent re-sud Gay Village

photos: Damaris Rose, 2003

note physical integration into streetscape

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Examples of inf ill condos in st udy: Plat eau Mont -Royal / Mile End

  • built on ex-factory land;

area still industrial

  • units in these buildings

bought for $70-90,000 in

late 1990s

photos: Damaris Rose, 2003

foreground: community garden plots

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Locat ion of 423 quest ionnaire respondent s and sub-group of 50 part icipant s in semi-st ruct ured int erview

superimposed on census tract map of mean incomes of all households, 2001

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Quest ionnaire respondent s by living arrangement s and gender

112 100 48 79 44

3

20 11

50 100 150 200 250

N = 417

lives alone in couple,

  • pposite

sex in couple, same sex

  • ther*

Females (49%) Males (51%)

* living with related or unrelated people; lone parent

(Only 8% of respondents have children living at home)

50% of respondents lived alone

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Quest ionnaire respondent s living alone, by age and 1st-time buyer status

10 20 30 40 50 60

18-34 35-44 45-54

55 +

First-time buyer (n=124) Repeat buyer (n=75)

n

NB: Fluidity of hsg careers vis-à-vis life course, esp. among

women 1st-time buyers (not shown) older than male counterparts

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I ncomes (2000) of respondent s living alone, by 1st-time buyer status

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50%

First-time buyer (n=124)

Repeat buyer (n=75)

under $30 000

$30 000 - $49 999 $50 000 - $69 999 $70 000 - $99 999 $100 000 +

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Educational and occupational profile of 1st-time buyer respondents

Highly educated almost ½ with

bachelor s degree or higher

50% are professionals/managers but sample also includes variety of white- collar, clerical occupations, even service workers Somewhat broader occupational range than stereotypical images of gentrifiers

nevertheless, qualitative interviews revealed

subjective affiliations to new urban middle class not limited to university-educated

professionals

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Quest ionnaire respondent s living alone vs t hose living in couples (1)

those living alone are significantly older (esp. the women)

  • bviously, have lower household incomes

50% had incomes in $30-$50,000 range

(= 18-30,000)

shift from renting to homeownership

  • ccurs later in life

effect of lower household incomes on housing career delays aspiration for / possibility of

  • wning one s home

(Findings consistent with Feitjen et al. (2003) longitudinal

study)

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Quest ionnaire respondent s living alone vs t hose living in couples (2)

aspects of condo they most appreciate:

more likely to report becoming a home-

  • wner

more likely to report its location

more likely to call their neighbourhood by a heritage name (= aesthetic

attachment/ distinction strategy?)

eat at home less often (esp. men) (= less home-centred?)

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Quest ionnaire f indings suggest issues f or qualit at ive* f ollow-up

Partial support to popular images of

single Yuppie , yet suggests need for

nuance + deeper exploration, e.g. range of motivations for and meanings

  • f home-ownership

what qualities of location and neighbourhood are valued high number (45%) of over-45s among

1st-time buyers living alone, so need

better understanding of this group

*seeks to uncover range of different perspectives, factors, types among sampled group no numerical weighting

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Qualit at ive int erviews wit h 1st-t ime buyers: sample charact erist ics

Persons living alone: 33 (out of 50)

Gender

18 women 15 men

Age

18-34 : 7 35-44 : 14 45-54 : 9

55+ : 3

NB: Irrespective of age, living alone necessarily single :

from interviews, it

emerged that some were unat t ached ,

  • thers have stable

non-live-in

relationships

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Homeownership: motivations, perceived use, exchange, symbolic values according to

existing (esp. Anglo-American) literature

stability material, ontological control of immediate surroundings secured access to valued attributes of a particular [type of] neighbourhood financial security / investment vis-à-vis housing

career social status self-image

Critique/caveat: these are not universals all are context-dependent

need for contextual-

ization vis-à-vis local socio-cultural context and available housing alternatives

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I nt erviews: What led you t o make t he leap int o home-ownership? (1)

Push factors : rents, rental scarcity

belief that one should

invest for oneself

gains ground concern to secure access to valued qualities of central city

Evolving cultures of property

Younger buyers: see ownership as the norm - get onto housing career ladder (no longer associated with fixed life course expectations) versus Older buyers: I was sure I d be a renter all my

life : then discovery of affordable condo

  • ption

shift in aspirations

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I nt erviews: What led you t o make t he leap int o home-ownership? (2)

Establish personal autonomy, find an anchor-point. One of the most telling comments:

A separation. I could have rented but for me, it was really

  • Listen. I don t know if it

was a rational choice? I d say it was really a way to ensure that I d have my

  • independence. That I d have peace. And it

was mine. In a context of separation ( )

To get back on my feet and make a clean

  • break. ( Julianna , no. 479, age 25-34)
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I nt erviews: Why a new (rat her t han renovat ed) condominium?

Low maintenance

avoid risk of unanticipated repair bills less time-consuming than a house

I m too fond of my way of life to get a

lawn-mower, (

) weed the garden. To

spend time like that, I would go crazy! If I want some of that, all I have to do is visit

my parents!

( Martine Reno , no. 121, late

30s, flight attendant)

More affordable than a renovated unit

(inflationary effect of earlier gentrification)

Privacy / quiet (soundproofing)

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Interviews: Valued qualities of living

cent rally: (1) accessibility

Lifestyle aspects: easy access to cultural activities, leisure pursuits outside home

"I adore, um..., being here, I'm close to everything,

my whole life is 90% even 95% on foot ( Jean-Pierre

  • D. , no. 171, age 45-54, college teacher)

Utilitarian aspects: convenience for work

main factor for the footloose, no symbolic investment in n/h (see Simon 1997)

Why distance yourself [ from centre] when you get

  • lder? It s the city that you need. I don t even

drive

( Ginette Caron , no. 814, age 52, admin.

assistant, ex-suburbanite, divorced)

Many expressed strong anti-car sentiments; others had to give up their car for financial reasons once

they bought their condo

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Valued qualities of living cent rally: (2) comfortable ambience for singles

pedestrian activity safety neighbourhood commercial streets: practical, aesthetic, sociability dimensions

frequent trips to small food stores buy specialty take-out foods rather than making meals at home alone

urban serendipity (Nyström 2003)

chance encounters with friends/acquaintances

possible to both socialize with like-minded and sample difference demographic/life-cycle diversity (vs suburbs)

helps singles get out of house more often

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Concluding comment s (1 of 2)

In this case study, non-luxury infill condominiums

in gentrifying central neighbourhoods seem to both stimulate and respond to a new type of demand by people living alone across the age spectrum (diverse and little-understood group)

They are participants to varying degrees in the

economic + social practices of gentrification; they practice particular styles of urban consumption even if not urban professionals Their motivations for homeownership conform to aspects flagged in existing literature, but are context-dependent and are strongly cross-cut by

use- and/or symbolic values associated with a

central location

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Concluding comment s (2 of 2)

But this new product also offers this group a form of inclusivity affordable housing in comfortable neighbourhood that reduces risk of social isolation that can come with living alone Housing/urban policy challenge: how to extend this inclusivity to people living alone who lack the means to purchase it on the private market

need for (local) state intervention to facilitate delivery of non-profit housing suitable for different kinds of 1PH wanting to live in inner-city precondition: 1PH must be recognized as groups having legitimate claims to stable housing at

diffent points in the life course i.e. this must be

seen as an integral component of their urban and social citizenship

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Acknowledgment s

Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, Standard Research Grants Program (grant no. 416-99-0266)

Student RAs : Stéphane Charbonneau, Greta

Marini (both in INRS-UQAM Joint Master s in Urban

Studies), Emma Garrard (Geography, Concordia Univ.)

Jaël Mongeau (INRS-UCS)

for mounting and interrogating questionnaire data base

Suzanne Chantal, Martin Wexler (Ville de Montréal, Habitation)

for sampling frame

assistance and other info and advice

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I f youd like t o be kept inf ormed about t his research

please contact me (the full paper

will be written up in due course):

  • Prof. Damaris ROSE

INRS-Urbanisation, Culture et Société

Institut national de la recherche scientifique 3465 rue Durocher Montréal, QC, H2X 2C6

Canada

damaris_rose@inrs-ucs.uquebec.ca

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References cited

Authier, Jean-Yves (ed.) (2001) Du domicile à la ville. Vivre en quartier ancien. Paris: Anthropos.

Bondi, Liz (1999) Gender, class and gentrification: enriching the debate.

Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 17: 261-282. Choko, Marc & Richard Harris (1990) The local culture of property: a comparative history of housing tenure in Montréal and Toronto. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 80 (1): 73-95 Feijten, Peteke, Clara H. Mulder & Pau Baizán (2003) Age differentiation in the effect of household situation on first-time homeownership. Journal of Housing and the Built Environment 18: 233-255.

Germain, Annick & Damaris Rose (2000) Montréal: The Quest for a Metropolis. Chichester, UK: Wiley. Hall, Ray & Philip E Ogden (2003) The rise of living alone in Inner London: trends among the population of working age. Environment and Planning A 35 (5): 871-888.

Nyström, Louise (2003) Quality of urban life in Europe in the 21st century with a focus on three Nordic capitals. In Frank Eckardt / Dieter Hassenpflug

(eds) Consumption and the Post-Industrial City (Series, The European City

in Transition, vol. 1), Frankfurt/M: Peter Lang GmbH, 103-113.

Simon, Patrick (1997) Les usages sociaux de la rue dans un quartier cosmopolite. Espaces et sociétés (90/91): 43-68. Wynne, Derek & Justin O'Connor (1998) Consumption and the postmodern

  • city. Urban Studies 35: 841-864.
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Annex 1: St udy met hodology

Sampling frame: lists of condo projects in Habiter Montréal leaflets 1995-1998 new condo projects PRQC; + property tax

roll 2000/09

try to get complete civic

addresses for each projet, then identify

  • wner-occupiers

filters: infill projects in central areas

built-up pre-1946; owner-occupiers;

municipal evaluation $150 000 ( non-luxury)

  • 1. Postal

questionnaire (March 01)

Questionnaire (11p.) mailed to 960 individuals, by name, 2001/03 (after sending letter announcing survey)

Response rate 45%, N= 423 (lower

in downtown & south-west; higher

among women)

coding of closed, some open questions;

entered into Excel, SAS

  • 2. Semi-

structured interviews (Feb.-Apr. 02)

  • Summary of results mailed 2001/11 to

the 132 persons who had expressed interest in a qualitative interview

  • Design of semi-structured interview

guide

filter: only first-time buyers selected (n=79)

50 agreed to semi-structured

interviews, carried out by 3 student assistants

49 verbatim transcriptions;

manipulation/analysis assised

byl Nud*ist software, with

initial analytical categories

based on interview guide

+ photos of condo buildings, description

  • f immediate

neighbourhood

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