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South Asian relative-correlatives and unexpected particles Benjamin Slade [ b.slade@utah.edu ] Dept. of Linguistics University of Utah Annual Conference on South Asia Madison, Wisconsin Perspectives on South Asian Syntax: A panel in honor of

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South Asian relative-correlatives and unexpected particles

Benjamin Slade

[b.slade@utah.edu]

Dept. of Linguistics

University of Utah

Annual Conference on South Asia Madison, Wisconsin Perspectives on South Asian Syntax: A panel in honor of Alice Davison and James W. Gair  October 

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

SLIDE 2

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Overview



Distribution of µ & κ particles



κ in Sinhala & Dravidian: relative clauses & beyond



“ever” free relatives crosslinguistically



Analysis of µ relative-correlatives



Analysis of κ relative-correlatives



Burushaski & Nepali (µ clause closing)



Development & Distribution of κ in RC-CCs



Summary/Conclusion/References

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

SLIDE 3

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Distribution of µ & κ particles



Distribution of µ & κ particles



κ in Sinhala & Dravidian: relative clauses & beyond



“ever” free relatives crosslinguistically



Analysis of µ relative-correlatives



Analysis of κ relative-correlatives



Burushaski & Nepali (µ clause closing)



Development & Distribution of κ in RC-CCs



Summary/Conclusion/References

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

SLIDE 4

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Distribution of µ & κ particles

“conjunctive”/“universal” and “disjunctive”/“existential” particles in select languages

Superparticles In a number of languages, including Japanese, Sinhala, and Dravidian, we find particles from  series playing a wide variety of roles (Szabolcsi , , Slade , Mitrović , amongst others; cf. Reichenbach , Rohrer ). The µ-type (< Japanese mo) appears in  &  environments; the

κ-type (< Japanese ka) in  &  (& )

environments. Japanese Dravidian Sinhala Nepali Hindi Hungarian

µ-series

mo um t pani bhī is, mind

κ-series

ka ō da (də), — — vagy … hō (hari) … Table: µ & κ series in select languages

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

SLIDE 5

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Distribution of µ & κ particles

Examples of µ environments

Japanese Dravidian Sinhala Nepali Hindi Hungarian everyone, dare-mo ār-um kauru-t — —

mind-en-ki

anyone both A&B A-mo B-mo A-um B-um — A pani B pani A bhī B bhī

mind A mind B

P-t Q-t A is (és) B is A too, A-mo A-um A-t A pani A bhī A is even A

Table: µ elements

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

SLIDE 6

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Distribution of µ & κ particles

Examples of κ environments

Japanese Dravidian Sinhala Nepali Hindi Hungarian someone dare-ka ār-ō kau-də — —

vala-ki

who Vs? dare-ga V…ka — V-e…kau-də — — — A or B A-ka B(-ka) A-ō B-ō A-də B-də, — — (vagy) A vagy B A-hari B-hari

Table: κ elements

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

SLIDE 7

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κ in Sinhala & Dravidian: relative clauses & beyond



Distribution of µ & κ particles



κ in Sinhala & Dravidian: relative clauses & beyond



“ever” free relatives crosslinguistically



Analysis of µ relative-correlatives



Analysis of κ relative-correlatives



Burushaski & Nepali (µ clause closing)



Development & Distribution of κ in RC-CCs



Summary/Conclusion/References

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

SLIDE 8

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κ in Sinhala & Dravidian: relative clauses & beyond

Sinhala da in Classical Sinhala

Usually appears in yes/no questions ()

To gpn me this suta sermon Budun Buddha desannā preach.pe.pcp.nom āsūhu hear.pa.g da? da

“Did you hear the Buddha preaching this sermon?” [Amāvatura , Wijemanne : ] Sometimes but not always in wh-questions ()

Dæn now paeviji

rdained

væ been kumaṭa what.da kiyam say.pe.g da? da

“Now that I am a monk, why would I say it?” [Amāvatura ] Appears in alternative questions ()

mā my . . . . . . nuvaṭahu religious mendicant arabhayā about kī said things dǣ o nipan born da da no neg nipan born da? da?

“Did my predictions regarding the religious mendicant prove correct or did they not?”(th century, Amāvatura ) (Wijemanne : ) In non-interrogative contexts, hō appears rather than da ()

yuvaraja-væ siṭiyavun heir-apparent hō hō . . . . . . rāja-kumāra-varun princes hō hō . . . . . . bisōvarun queen hō hō

“Either the heir-apparent . . . or the princes . . . or the queen” (th c. inscription; Wickremasinghe et al. –: ii.B-)

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

SLIDE 9

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κ in Sinhala & Dravidian: relative clauses & beyond

Relative-Correlatives in Classical Sinhala & Dravidian

Structure Relative-correlatives in Classical (& modern literary) Sinhala always involve a “clause-closing” particle. The same is true in (modern) South/South-Central Dravidian (Hock , , ). These “clause-closing” particles are da in Sinhala and ō in Dravidian.

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

SLIDE 10

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κ in Sinhala & Dravidian: relative clauses & beyond

Early Sinhala & Dravidian relative-correlatives

Classical Sinhala ()

[ [ yamak’hu .mc.g.acc paḷamu firstly diṭim see.g ]c ]c

[ [

him marā kill.con …]cc …]cc

“Whoeveri I see first, I shall kill himi …” (Amāvatura , Wijemanne :) Malayalam ()

[ [ ārə who manassə mind aṭakkunnuv control.pe ] ]c

[ [ avaṉṉə he.da samādhānam peace kiṭṭunnu

btain.pe

] ]cc

“Whoeveri controls his mind, hei obtains peace.” (Asher & Kumari :)

both κ-series elements: Sinhala da, Malayalam ō

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

SLIDE 11

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κ in Sinhala & Dravidian: relative clauses & beyond

“Ever” relative-correlatives in other Indo-Aryan languages

Hindi ()

[ [ jab .when bhī bhī dillī Delhi jātā go.impf.mc.g hū̃ be.g.pe ] ] [ [ tab then hindī Hindi hī emph boltā speak.impf.mc.g hū̃ be.g.pe ] ]

“Whenever I go to Delhi, (then) I speak Hindi, of course.” (McGregor . rd edn.: ) Nepali ()

[ [ jahilesukai .whenever usko his ghar house gae go.pefpcp.g ] ] pani pani [ [ uslāī him kahile sometime pani pani bheṭ meet hũdaina be.neg.pe.g ] ]

“Whenever you go to his house, you can never meet him.” (Mahews : )

both µ-series elements: Hindi bhī, Nepali pani

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

SLIDE 12

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“ever” free relatives crosslinguistically



Distribution of µ & κ particles



κ in Sinhala & Dravidian: relative clauses & beyond



“ever” free relatives crosslinguistically



Analysis of µ relative-correlatives



Analysis of κ relative-correlatives



Burushaski & Nepali (µ clause closing)



Development & Distribution of κ in RC-CCs



Summary/Conclusion/References

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

SLIDE 13

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“ever” free relatives crosslinguistically

wh(/rel. pro.)+µ form English: wh+“ever”, e.g. whoever, whatever, wherever, however (*whyever) Italian: wh+“ever”, e.g. chiunque “whoever” (Caponigro ) Czech: wh+ “ever”, e.g. cokoliv “whatever” (Šimík ) Bulgarian: wh+“also”, e.g. kakvoto i “whatever” (Izvorski ) Dutch: wh+“then”+“also”, e.g. wie dan ook “whoever” (Rullmann ) Indo-Aryan (Hindi, Nepali,…): rel. pron.+“also/even”, e.g. Hindi jo bhī “whoever” Burushaski: wh+ke “and” (Yoshioka ) Japanese: wh+“even”, e.g. dare-demo “whoever” (Nishigauchi ) wh+modal marker Greek, e.g. opjos-dhipote “whoever” (Giannakidou , ) Spanish qual-quiera & Catalan qual-sevol “whoever” (er )

ther strategies

Modern Hebrew: wh + “neg”, e.g. ma še-lo “whatever”, lit. ‘what that-’ (Eilam ) Turkish: wh+cond. verb, e.g. kim kazan-ır-sa, lit. “who win-” (Iatridou ) Hungarian: wh + czak “only” (Lipták )

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

SLIDE 14

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“ever” free relatives crosslinguistically

(True) relative-correlatives in (early) Sinhala & Dravidian

in Classical & modern literary Sinhala, true relative-correlatives (as opposed to prenominal modifying relative clauses), involve a relative clause formed with a rel. pro. and a “clause-closing” (Hock) particle, of the κ(!)-type: da similarly in South and South-Central Dravidian languages, true relative-correlatives involve a relative clause formed with a wh-word and a “clause-closing” particle of the κ-type: ō

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

SLIDE 15

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“ever” free relatives crosslinguistically

South Asia language distribution [Drav. & Sinhala]

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

SLIDE 16

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“ever” free relatives crosslinguistically

Dravidian examples

()

[ [ uṅkaḷ-ukku you.pl.da evvaḷavu how_much vēṇṭ-um- want.f.ne.g ]-ō ]-ō avvaḷuvu that_much nān̲ I taru-kir̲-ēn give.pe.g

“However much you want, that much I’ll give you.” [Tamil] (Krishnamurti : ) ()

[ [ ēt-oruvan which-one.mc.g drōham evil.acc ceyy-unnuv- do.pe ]-ō ]-ō avan he pāpi sinner ākunnu become.pe

“Whoever does evil, he becomes a sinner.” [Malayalam] (Krishnamurti : ) ()

[ [ brāhmanar brahmin.nom āga become.inf bēk(u) want anta say.cnj yāruyārige who-who.da āśe desire.nom ide.y be.pe.g.ne ]-ō ]-ō avarella they.nom-all brāhmanaru brahmin.pl.nom

“Whoever has the desire to become a brahmin, they all are brahmins.” [Kannada] (Steever ) ()

[ [ ēdi what kāwāl(i)- be-wanted- ]-ō ]-ō adi that paṭṭu-ku-pō take-efl-go.imp.g

“Take away whatever you want.” [Telugu] (Krishnamurti : ) ()

[ [ mā

kīdu hands inika what manad is ]-ō ]-ō dani that pēru name veRtu tell.imp

“Tell us the name of whatever is in our hands.” [Konda] (Krishnamurti & Benham )

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

SLIDE 17

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Analysis of µ relative-correlatives



Distribution of µ & κ particles



κ in Sinhala & Dravidian: relative clauses & beyond



“ever” free relatives crosslinguistically



Analysis of µ relative-correlatives



Analysis of κ relative-correlatives



Burushaski & Nepali (µ clause closing)



Development & Distribution of κ in RC-CCs



Summary/Conclusion/References

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

SLIDE 18

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Analysis of µ relative-correlatives

Analysis of wh(/rel. pro.)+µ forms

Dayal (): bhī/ever add a modal dimension, introducing i(dentity)-alternatives, and a universal quantification over these i-alternatives whateverj [IP…tj…] denotes at w =



λQ ∀i-alternatives ∈ f(w)(s) [Q(i)(ιx[P(i)(x)]] where P is the property derived by abstracting over xj in the IP denotation.



f(w)(s) = w′: ∀p[s believes p(w) → p(w′) for a world of evaluation w and speaker s, f(w)(s) is the set of worlds in which the speaker’s beliefs about w hold.



a world w′ ∈ f(w)(s) is an i-alternative iff there exists some w′′ ∈ f(w)(s), such that ιx[P(w′)(x)] ≠ ιx[P(w′′)(x)]

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

SLIDE 19

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Analysis of µ relative-correlatives

Interaction with aspect (Dayal )

Identity



“Mary is cooking something. Whatever she is cooking uses onions.”



∀ i-alt ∈ f(w)(s)[uses-onions(i)(ιx[cooking(i)(x)(m)])]



i-alt1 : ιx[cooking(i)(x)(m)] = ratatouille i-alt2 : ιx[cooking(i)(x)(m)] = daal i-alt3 : ιx[cooking(i)(x)(m)] = goulash … Plain FR



“What Mary is cooking uses onions.”



uses-onions(w)(ιx[cooking(w)(x)(m)]) FC



“Whatever Mary cooks uses onions.”



∀w[C(w)][∀i-alt ∈ f(w)(s)[uses-onions(i)(ιx[cooking(i)(x)(m)])]]

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

SLIDE 20

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Analysis of µ relative-correlatives

Aspect in Hindi and bhī (Dayal : –)

Identity ()

jo el.po bhī bhī laṛkī girl sundar pretty hai be... ravi Ravi usse her.in milnā meet.inf cāhtā want.impf.mac.g hai be.d.g.pe

“Ravi wants to meet the girl who is beautiful (whoever she may be).” FC ()

jo el.po bhī bhī laṛkī girl sundar pretty hotī be... hai be... ravi Ravi usse her.in milnā meet.inf cāhtā want.impf.mac.g hai be.d.g.pe

“Ravi wants to meet any girl who is beautiful.”

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

SLIDE 21

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Analysis of κ relative-correlatives



Distribution of µ & κ particles



κ in Sinhala & Dravidian: relative clauses & beyond



“ever” free relatives crosslinguistically



Analysis of µ relative-correlatives



Analysis of κ relative-correlatives



Burushaski & Nepali (µ clause closing)



Development & Distribution of κ in RC-CCs



Summary/Conclusion/References

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

SLIDE 22

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Analysis of κ relative-correlatives

Sinhala da in modern Sinhala

In modern literary Sinhala, alongside of disjunctive uses of hō as in (), we also find a special epistemic indefinite use, as in () ()

rahul Rahul hō hō amin Amin hō hō gamaṭa village.da giyāya go.pa.g

‘Rahul or Amin went to the village.’ [Modern Literary Sinhala] ()

kaluvarē darkness-in kaurun who hō hō mā I.acc ælluvēya touch.pa.mc.g

‘Someone (unknown) touched me in the darkness.’ [Modern Literary Sinhala]

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

SLIDE 23

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Analysis of κ relative-correlatives

Extension of da to indefinites in modern colloquial Sinhala

In modern colloquial Sinhala, both hari (earlier hō) and də (earlier da) can form epistemic indefinites () a.

Kau Who də də mese table uda

natanava. dance.pe.

b.

Kauru Who hari hari mese table uda

natanava. dance.pe.

“Someone is dancing on the table.” The difference between (-a) and (-b): either intensional vs extensional (Slade ) or difference in identification method [name/def. descript. vs deictic/visual] (Slade ) Perhaps developed epistemic presuppositional component earlier on, and it shows up in the relative-correlative formation, utilising the anti-singleton presupposition similar to Alonso-Ovalle & Menéndez-Benito () and the choice-function variable analysis of Q-particles from Slade ().

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Analysis of κ relative-correlatives

Semantics of da/ō: maximality

Treat relative pronouns (& wh-words appear in that function) as following Jacobson (), Rullmann () as involving a maximality operator max (Link ) Relative pronoun interpretation () a. [ who Sita sees ] b.

max(λx[see(s, x)])

c.

ι[see(s, x) ∧ ∀x′[see(s, x′) → x′ ≤ x]]

satisfied where the set denoted by the relative pronoun includes sums, and crucially a least upper bound,  (trivially) where the set is a singleton set

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Analysis of κ relative-correlatives

Semantics of da/ō: choice-functions & anti-singleton presupposition

da/ō treat da/ō as denoting a variable over choice-functions anti-singleton constraint Assuming that da bears the anti-singleton presupposition found in epistemic indefinites, the Q-particle component is satisfied when it applies to a non-singleton set [refined below] anti-singleton constraint refined

|{x : x = y(w) : y ∈ P(w) : w ∈ Wsb}| > 1

The set of extensions in worlds consistent with speaker’s beliefs of the members

f P is greater than one.

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Analysis of κ relative-correlatives

Satisfying both anti-singleton presupposition & max: FC

assume max applies first If anti-singleton presupposition is to be satisfied, must be multiple individual(/individual concepts) for which the proposition is satisfied (w.r.t. speaker’s knowledge) If max is satisfied, there must be a maximal sum, or else a single atom Thus, one way both can be satisfied is where there is a maximal sum (“plural” interpretation of relative pronoun), assuming that maximal sums count as non-singletons. Thus derives the FC “universal” reading

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

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Analysis of κ relative-correlatives

Satisfying both anti-singleton presupposition & max: identity

assume max applies first assume the case in which the relative pronoun points to a single individual; this trivially satisfies max but this will not satisfy the anti-singleton presupposition of the Q-particle,  cardinality of possible extensions in worlds consistent with speaker beliefs > 

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Analysis of κ relative-correlatives

FC/Universal reading

Sinhala FC

()

[ [ Yam . kenek person.. tā your kīvā bidding kered do.ca.pl.pe ] ] da da

they.obl hæma all denā people genæ take.con …rājya …kingdom sīmāyen border piṭat

utside

væ ? yā go.imp

“Go out of the kingdom aer taking all of those who obey you.” (Amāvatura , Wijemanne : )

IP1: ∃f ∈ CH : λtλP.P(t)(take′)(f({g + c + j})) CP: f(max({g + c + j, g + c, g + j, j + c . . . })) IP2: λP.P(t)(take′)

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Analysis of κ relative-correlatives

Identity reading

Sinhala FC

()

[ [ yamak’hu .mc.g.acc paḷamu firstly diṭim see.g ]c ]c da da [ [

him marā kill.con gaṇan number sapurami complete.pe.g ]cc ]cc

“Whichever person I see first, I shall kill him and complete the number.” (Amāvatura , cited from Wijemanne : ) [Classical Sinhala]

IP1: ∃f ∈ CH : λtλP.P(t)(take′)(f({x : I see x first})) CP: f(max({x : I see x first})) IP2: λP.P(t)(take′) presupposes: |{x : x = y(w) : y ∈ P(w) : w ∈ Wsb}| > 1, for P = x : I see x first} (I.e. implicates that speaker doesn’t know/care about the extension “the person I see first” )

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Burushaski & Nepali (µ clause closing)



Distribution of µ & κ particles



κ in Sinhala & Dravidian: relative clauses & beyond



“ever” free relatives crosslinguistically



Analysis of µ relative-correlatives



Analysis of κ relative-correlatives



Burushaski & Nepali (µ clause closing)



Development & Distribution of κ in RC-CCs



Summary/Conclusion/References

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Burushaski & Nepali (µ clause closing)

Burushaski

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Burushaski & Nepali (µ clause closing)

Burushaski conjunctive & relatives

Conjunctive ()

éḍe Ed.eg búšar cat.da teí in.that.way sénimi say.nonpe.g ke ke búše cat.eg myáao miaow.ab étimi. g.do.nonpe.g

“Ed said so to the cat and the cat miaowed.” (Yoshioka : –) Appearance in relative clauses ()

šon gukúr Shon.Gukur biṭáne shaman.eg bésan what.indef.g.ab sénuma say.adj.Q ke ke ité that.ab sahíi correct maními become.nonpe.g

“What Shon Gukur the shaman had said turned out to be true.” (Yoshioka : )

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Burushaski & Nepali (µ clause closing)

Position of particles in the relative clause

Thus Burushaski, like Nepali, involves a µ-series particle, but in RC-clause final position While Hindi (like English) involves a µ-series particle contiguous to the

wh-/relative pronoun

Sinhala & Dravidian involve κ-series particles in RC-clause final position Nepali ()

[ [ jahilesukai .whenever usko his ghar house gae go.pefpcp.g ] ] pani pani [ [ uslāī him kahile sometime pani pani bheṭ meet hũdaina be.neg.pe.g ] ]

“Whenever you go to his house, you can never meet him.” (Mahews : )

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Development & Distribution of κ in RC-CCs



Distribution of µ & κ particles



κ in Sinhala & Dravidian: relative clauses & beyond



“ever” free relatives crosslinguistically



Analysis of µ relative-correlatives



Analysis of κ relative-correlatives



Burushaski & Nepali (µ clause closing)



Development & Distribution of κ in RC-CCs



Summary/Conclusion/References

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Development & Distribution of κ in RC-CCs

Other Classical Sinhala examples

multiple relative pronouns correlating with multiple correlative pronouns ()

[ [ Yamek ... yamak’hu ... gætue taken ] ] da da he dem.pon.nom

vhaṭa

dem.pon.da mæ ve vayi

“May the respective owner of each item have it back.” [Amāvatura ] With conditional nam rather than Q-particle da ()

[ [ yam  gihi householder minisek person.indef

vun-ge

their vāda talks man̆ḍanaṭa trample.inf.da nisi suitable vī be.pa.g ]c ]c nam . [ [

haṭa

him.mac.da pādaparicārikā veti wed.pe.g ]cc ]c

“They become the wives of any layman who may be able to refute their arguments.” (Amāvatura , cited from Wijemanne : ) [Classical Sinhala]

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Development & Distribution of κ in RC-CCs

Classical Sinhala - multiple clauses in relative

With neither da nor nam in the case of multiple clauses in relative (apparently

ptional with multiple clauses)

()

yam se . suḷan̆ga hamana, the wind blows, kalæ atu sæleyi, the branches shake, diya sæleyi, the water shakes, ehi sit næti, they are mindless, e seyin in that way mæ kāya daṇḍa du acituaka veyi physical action is mindless

“When the wind blows, the branches shake, the water shakes; they are mindless; in the same manner, physical action too is mindless.” (Amāvatura )

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Development & Distribution of κ in RC-CCs

Old Sinhala examples

Relative-correlatives in Old Sinhala True relative-correlatives in Old Sinhala are distinctly rare (the prenominal modifying type is vastly preferred); I have found only  examples. Only  uses any sort of closing particle (the conditional nam rather than da) ()

[ [ Pere formerly yam  hæjin know.pa nam  ma gpn.acc/gen ]c ]c [ [ pahani-j satisfy.pa nam  alalæ love.loc mā gpn.gen ]c ]c [ [ e g.acc yat go.cond me this et come.pa.pl ]cc ]cc

“She who was known (to me) earlier, who was satisfied in her love of me, when I go to her, these (people) are coming (from her).” [Sigiri Graffiti ] [Old Sinhala] [it also happens to involve multiple relatives correlated to a single correlative]

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Development & Distribution of κ in RC-CCs

Old Sinhala examples (cont.)

The other  examples use yam but no ‘closing’ particle, e.g.: ()

Sihigirī Sihigiri.loc aṅgnak woman.indef baṇavat speak.cond.ca me this yannā going var

ccasion

sera thief se like ho g.fempn yam elpon desekæ direction.loc.indef mā gpn.gen bæli look.pa tomo. eflpn.fem. agan women me this niyā. manner

“When I, while passing by, speak to a lady of Sihigiri, she herself, roguishly, looked in the direction (where) I (was). Women are like this.” [Sigiri Graffiti ] [Old Sinhala]

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Development & Distribution of κ in RC-CCs

Early Dravidian relative-correlatives

In early South Dravidian, the particle ō is not always in evidence in relative-correlatives ()

[ [ e-var̤i which-place nall-avar good.mac.pl āṭavar men.mac.pl ]c ]c [ [ a-var̤i that-place nall-ai good.g ]cc ]cc

“At whichever place men are good, at that place you are good.” (cited from Lehmann : ) [Old Tamil] ()

[ [ yātonṯu what.ne mahārājaniyōgam maharaja-order ]c ]c [ [ atu that.ne a-vaṇṇam in-that-manner ]cc ]cc

“Whatever is the king’s order, (let) that (be done) in that manner.” (cited from Pillai : ) [Old Malayalam] BUT ()

e-nāḷ-ō which-day-ō . . . . . . nī you celvatu go.nonpa.nom a-nāḷ that-day koṇṭū from ir̤akkum die.nonpa.g.nom ivaḷ she . . . . . . uyir-ē life

“On whichever day you will go, from that day (onwards) her life will die.” [OR? developed from indefinite(?): “On some day you will go, from that day …”](Kaliokai .-, cited from Thomas Lehmann, p.c.) [late Old Tamil (- ..)]

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Development & Distribution of κ in RC-CCs

South Asia language distribution [Drav. & Sinhala]

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Development & Distribution of κ in RC-CCs

Non-varying relative-correlatives?

Competing constructions For “regular” relative clauses, Sinhala (& Dravidian) possess a prenominal modifying participial construction, very usual as far back as the th-c. ..:

()

[ [ [ [ guruwərəyek teacher.indef.nom wenə become.pe.adj ] ] mahatuəya man.def ] ] hun̆gak much dannəwa. know.pe

“The man who is becoming a teacher knows a lot.” (cited from Gair []: ) [Colloquial Sinhala] ()

Nægæ rise.con mehi this.loc [ [ [ [ ma gpn.gen senehī love.pa.pcp ] ] himabiyanæṭa lady.da.pl ] ] tupa plpn.gen no neg daha show anger.imp

“Having ascended here, do not show anger towards the ladies who have been loved by me.” (Lit., “. . . towards the loved-by-me ladies”) (Sigiri Graffiti no. ; Paranavitana ) [Old Sinhala]

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Development & Distribution of κ in RC-CCs

Prenominal modifying participial relatives in Dravidian

()

[PP [PP [NP [NP [IP [IP [AdjP [AdjP nēr̲r̲u yesterday iṅkē here va-nt-a come-pa-adj ] ] [NP [NP anta that paiyan̲ boy ] ] ] ] ]-ai ]-acc ] ] nān̲ I.nom in̲r̲u today pār-tu-ēn̲ see-pa-g̲

“today I saw the boy who came here yesterday” (Krishnamurti : ) [Tamil] ()

pūcca cat kiṭakunna lie.pe.adj cākə sack

“the sack on which the cat lies …” (Krishnamurti : ) [Malayalam] ()

hinde behind gōḍaun warehouse iruva be.nonpa.adj aŋgaḍi shop

“the shop which has a warehouse at the back …” (Ibid.) [Kannada] ()

puli tiger.nom camp-in-a kill-pa-adj maniṣi man

“the person whom the tiger killed …” (Ibid.) [Telugu]

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Development & Distribution of κ in RC-CCs

Comparison with Nepali

Also the case in Nepali Especially in the spoken language, Nepali prefers the prenominal modifying participial type of relative:

() a.

hijo yesterday āeko come.pef.pcp mānche man … …

“The man who came yesterday…” b.

bholī tomorrow āune come.infn.pcp mānche man … …

“The man who’s coming tomorrow …”

The ‘true’ relative-correlatives in Nepali are used mostly in formal writing. And in speech the relative pronouns most frequently appear as ‘ever’ FRs (even when they don’t include the ‘ever’-element, i.e. the additive pani) (this is not true, however, of the corresponding Hindi relative-correlatives, which are frequent in speech as well)

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Development & Distribution of κ in RC-CCs

Underspecification of regular relatives

Hungarian ()

János J vehet buy.po.g.indef [ [ amit what.acc akar wants ] ]

“János can buy what(ever) he wants.” (Lipták : n) Underspecification of “plain” relatives in English () I’m free, to choose whom I please, any old time. I’m free, to please who I choose, any old time. (“I’m free”, M. Jagger & K. Richards , from Horn )

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Development & Distribution of κ in RC-CCs

Areal Distribution of relative clause-closing particles

Conjunctive(µ): Burushaski/Nepali vs. Disjunctive (κ): Sinhala/Dravidian

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

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Summary/Conclusion/References



Distribution of µ & κ particles



κ in Sinhala & Dravidian: relative clauses & beyond



“ever” free relatives crosslinguistically



Analysis of µ relative-correlatives



Analysis of κ relative-correlatives



Burushaski & Nepali (µ clause closing)



Development & Distribution of κ in RC-CCs



Summary/Conclusion/References

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Summary/Conclusion/References

Summary

µ-type “ever” relatives involve the µ-element introducing i-alternatives and

providing universal quantificational force over these (as per Dayal )

κ-type “ever” relatives involve the κ-element contributing an anti-singleton

presupposition, which can be satisfied either by a plural individual (FC-like)

r the situation where the speaker has uncertainty/indifference regarding

the extensions of the relevant individual concept two dimensions:



µ vs. κ (e.g. Sinhala & Tamil vs. Hindi & Nepali)



contiguous with wh/rel. vs. relative-clause closing (e.g. Hindi, English vs. Nepali, Burushaski, Sinhala, Tamil)

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

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Summary/Conclusion/References

Remaining issues

Provide a more compositional account for wh-+µ-type relatives

reformulation which captures the fact that these elements are µ elements, something more generalised

further probe into differences between Hindi & Nepali (same µ-type element, but different syntax) further investigation into whether there always a variation/alternative component in Classical/literary Sinhala and South Dravidian relative-correlative explanation of the distribution across the two axes? (µ vs. κ / contiguous vs. closing)

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Summary/Conclusion/References

References I

Alonso-Ovalle, Luis. . Disjunction in alternative semantics. Amherst, MA: University of Massachuses, Amherst dissertation. Alonso-Ovalle, Luis & Paula Menéndez-Benito. . Some epistemic indefinites. In M. Kadowaki & S. Kawahara (eds.), Proceedings of the North East Linguistic Society, , –. Amherst, MA: GLSA. Alonso-Ovalle, Luis & Paula Menéndez-Benito. . Modal indefinites. Natural Language Semantics . –. Alonso-Ovalle, Luis & Junko Shimoyama. . Expressing ignorance in the nominal domain: Japanese Wh-ka. WCCFL , Arizona State University. Asher, Ronald E. & T.C. Kumari. . Malayalam. London: Routledge. Bha, Rajesh & Anikó Lipták. . Matching effects in the temporal and locative domains. In Anikó Lipták (ed.), Correlatives cross-linguistically, –. Amsterdam: John Benjamin. Biner, Maria. . Topical referents for individuals and possibilities. In R. Hastings, B. Jackson & Z. Zvolensky (eds.), Proceedings of SALT XI, –. Ithaca, NY: CLC, Cornell University. Böhtlingk, Oo & Rudolph Roth (eds.). –. Sanskrit-Wörterbuch. St. Petersburg: Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaen. Brasoveanu, Adrian. . Correlatives. Language and Linguistics Compass (). –. Caponigro, Ivano. . Free not to ask: On the semantics of free relatives and wh-words cross-linguistically. Los Angeles, CA: University of California Los Angeles dissertation. Dayal, Veneeta. . antification in correlatives. In Elke Bach, Eloise Jelinek, Angelika Kratzer & Barbara H. Partee (eds.), antification in natural languages, –. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Dayal, Veneeta. . Locality in wh quantification: estions and relative clauses in Hindi. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Dayal, Veneeta. . Free relatives and ever. In A. Lawson (ed.), Proceedings from Semantics and Linguistic Theory (SALT) , –. Ithaca, NY: CLC Publications, Cornell University. Eilam, Aviad. . The crosslinguistic realization of -ever: Evidence from modern Hebrew. Ms., University of Pennsylvania. http://semanticsarchive.net/Archive/mQ5ZjY3N. Fairbanks, Gordon H., James W. Gair & M.W.S. De Silva. . Colloquial Sinhalese (Sinhala). Ithaca, NY: South Asia Program and Department of Modern Languages and Linguistics, Cornell University. B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

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Summary/Conclusion/References

References II

Gair, James W. []. Sinhala focused sentences: Naturalization of a calque. In Bhadriraju Krishnamurti, Colin P. Masica & Anjani Kumar Sinha (eds.), South Asian languages: Structure, convergence and diglossia, –. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. [Reprinted with additional notes in Gair :–]. Gair, James W. . AGR, INFL, Case and Sinhala diglossia, or Can linguistic theory find a home in variety. In Braj Kachru, Edward C. Dimock & Bhadriraju Krishnamurti (eds.), Dimensions of South Asia as a sociolinguistic area: Papers in memory of Gerald B. Kelley, –. Delhi: Oxford India Book House. Gair, James W. []. Syntactic theory, AGR, and Sinhala diglossia. Published in Gair :–. Gair, James W. . Studies in South Asian linguistics: Sinhala and other South Asian languages. New York: Oxford University Press. Gair, James W. & W.S. Karunatilaka. . Literary Sinhala. Ithaca, NY: South Asia Program and Department of Modern Languages and Linguistics, Cornell University. Giannakidou, Anastasia. . Polarity sensitivity as (non)veridical dependency. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Giannakidou, Anastasia. . The meaning of FC. Linguistics and Philosophy . –. Gill, Kook-Hee, Steve Harlow & George Tsolas. . Disjunction and indeterminate-based quantification in Korean. Ms., University of York. Hamblin, Charles Leonard. . estions in Montague English. Foundations of Language (). –. Hock, Hans Henrich. . Review article: Finiteness in Dravidian. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences (). –. Hock, Hans Henrich. . Review of Steever (): The serial verb formation in the Dravidian languages. Language . –. Hock, Hans Henrich. . Dravidian syntactic typology: A reply to Steever. In Rajendra Singh (ed.), Annual Review of South Asian Languages and Linguistics, –. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Horn, Laurence R. . Any and (-)ever: free choice and free relatives. In Proceedings of the th Annual Conference of the Israeli Association for Theoretical Linguistics, –. Iatridou, Sabine. . Looking for free relatives in Turkish (and the unexpected places this leads to). In Umut Özge (ed.), Proceedings of WAFL , Cambridge, MA: MITWPL. Izvorski, Roumyana. . Free adjunct free relatives. In Billerey & Lillehaugen (ed.), WCCFL  proceedings, –. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Press. B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

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Summary/Conclusion/References

References III

Jacobson, Pauline. . On the quantificational force of english free relatives. In Emmon Bach, Eloise Jelinek, Angelika Kratzer & Barbara H. Partee (eds.), antification in natural language, –. Dordrecht: Springer. Jayaseelan, Karauparambil A. . estion particles and disjunction. Ms., Hyderabad, English and Foreign Languages University. http://ling.auf.net/lingBuzz/000644. Jayaseelan, Karauparambil A. . Decomposing coordination: The two operators of coordination. Linguistic Analysis (–). –. Kratzer, Angelika & Junko Shimoyama. . Indeterminate phrases: the view from Japanese. In Yukio Otsu (ed.), The Proceedings of the Third Tokyo Conference on Psycholinguistics, –. Tokyo: Hituzi Syobo. Krishnamurti, Bhadriraju. . The Dravidian languages. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Krishnamurti, Bhadriraju & Bre A. Benham. . Koṇḍa. In Sanford B. Steever (ed.), The Dravidian languages, –. London: Routledge. Lehmann, Thomas. . Grammatik des Alamil unter besonder Berück-sichtigung der Cańkam-texte des Dichters Kapilar. Stugart: Steiner Verlag. Lehmann, Thomas. . Old Tamil. In Sanford B. Steever (ed.), The Dravidian languages, –. London: Routledge. Link, Godehard. . The logical analysis of plurals and mass terms. In Rainer Bäuerle, Christoph Schwarze & Arnim von Stechow (eds.), Meaning, use and interpretation of language, Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. Lipták, Anikó. . The landscape of correlatives: An empirical and analytic survey. In Anikó Lipták (ed.), Correlatives cross-linguistically, –. Amsterdam: John Benjamin. Lipták, Anikó. . Correlative topicalization. Acta Linguistica Hungarica (). –. Mahews, David. . A course in Nepali. London: Curzon. McGregor, R.S. . rd edn. Outline of Hindi grammar. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Menéndez-Benito, Paula. . On universal free choice items. Natural Language Semantics (). –. Mitrović, Moreno. . Morphosyntactic atoms of propositional logic: a philo-logical programme. Cambridge: University of Cambridge dissertation. Nishigauchi, Taisuke. . antification in syntax. Amherst, MA: University of Massachuses, Amherst dissertation. B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

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Summary/Conclusion/References

References IV

Paranavitana, Senarat. . Sigiri graffiti, Sinhalese verses of the eighth, ninth and tenth centuries. London: Oxford University Press. Pillai, P.V. . Early Malayalam prose: A study. Trivandrum, Kerala: University of Kerala. er, Josep. . Mood at the interface. Utrecht: University of Utrecht dissertation. Reichenbach, Hans. . Elements of symbolic logic. New York: Macmillan. Rohrer, Christian. . On the relation between disjunction and existential quantification. In Maurice Gross, Morris Halle & Marcel-Paul Schützenberger (eds.), The formal analysis of natural languages: Proceedings of the First International Conference, –. The Hague: Mouton. Rullmann, Hotze. . Maximality in the semantics of wh-constructions. Amherst, MA: University of Massachuses at Amherst dissertation. Rullmann, Hotze. . Two types of negative polarity items. In Proceedings of NELS , –. Šimík, Radek. . On the semantics of Czech free relatives. In Markéta Ziková & Pavel Caha (eds.), Linguistica brunensia /: Festschri for Petr Karlík, –. Brno: Masaryk University. http://hdl.handle.net/11222.digilib/135453. Slade, Benjamin. . Formal and philological inquiries into the nature of interrogatives, indefinites, disjunction, and focus in Sinhala and other

languages. Urbana: University of Illinois dissertation.

Slade, Benjamin. . estion particles and relative clauses in the history of Sinhala, with comparison to early and modern Dravidian. In Shu-Fen Chen & Benjamin Slade (eds.), Grammatica et verba/Glamor and verve: Studies in South Asian, historical, and Indo-European linguistics in honor of Hans Henrich Hock on the occasion of his seventy-fih birthday, –. Ann Arbor, MI: Beech Stave Press. Slade, Benjamin. . Sinhala epistemic indefinites with a certain je ne sais quoi. In Luis Alonso-Ovalle & Paula Menéndez-Benito (eds.), Epistemic indefinites: Exploring modality beyond the verbal domain, –. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Srivastav, Veneeta. . The syntax and semantics of correlatives. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory . –. Steever, Sanford B. . Kannada. In Sanford B. Steever (ed.), The Dravidian languages, –. London: Routledge. Szabolcsi, Anna. . antification. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Szabolcsi, Anna. . What do quantifier particles do? Linguistics and Philosophy . –. B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

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Summary/Conclusion/References

References V

Turner, Ralph Lilley. . A comparative and etymological dictionary of the Nepali language. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, Ltd. (Reprinted , New Delhi: Allied Publishers, Ltd.). Turner, Ralph Lilley. –. A comparative dictionary of Indo-Aryan languages. London: Oxford University Press. [Reprinted, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, ]. Wickremasinghe, Don Martino De Zilva, Humphry William Codrington & Senarat Paranavitana (eds.). –. Epigraphia Zeylanica: being lithic and other inscriptions of Ceylon. London: H. Frowde for the Govt. of Ceylon. Wijemanne, Piyaseeli. . Amāvatura, a syntactic study. Colombo: Ministry of Higher Education. Yoshioka, Noboru. . A reference grammar of Eastern Burushaski. Tokyo: Tokyo University of Foreign Studies dissertation. B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

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Summary/Conclusion/References

Korean

Korean is similar in using a “disjunctive” element combined with a wh-word with an FC type interpretation, but not as relatives (and also compatible with a general universal reading): (Gill et al. ) ()

Nwukwu-na who-dij kimchi-lul kimchi.acc cohahan-ta like.decl

“Everyone/anyone likes kimchi.” (Gill et al. suggest that for feature-valuing reasons, na is always accompanying by a phonetically-silent Dist distributive operator; and in their analysis the µ-type interpretation actually is contributed by Dist)

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 

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Summary/Conclusion/References

Hungarian

()

[ [ Akit who(ever) szeret loves Mari Mari ], ], azt she meghívta invited a to buliba. party

“Who(ever) Mari loves, she invited to the party.” ()

János John vehet buy [ [ amit what csak

akar wants ] ]

“John can buy whatever he wants.” (not possible in rel-cor structure)

B Slade (Uni. of Utah) Sinhala relative-correlatives & unexpected particles ACSA--SA Syntax/Davison-Gair  / 