Quantification and Quantificational Structures 7/21/17 Overview - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

quantification and quantificational structures
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Quantification and Quantificational Structures 7/21/17 Overview - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

Quantification and Quantificational Structures 7/21/17 Overview Interpreting DPs (entity denoting, first order quantification, generalized quantification) Potential for scope interactions Expressivity of natural language


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SLIDE 1

Quantification and Quantificational Structures

7/21/17

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SLIDE 2

Overview

  • Interpreting DPs (entity denoting, first order quantification,

generalized quantification)

  • Potential for scope interactions
  • Expressivity of natural language quantification
  • Linguistically significant typology of quantifiers
  • Diversity at the interface: nominal and adverbial

quantification

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SLIDE 3

First Order Quantification

Two Inter-definable Binding Operators

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SLIDE 4

Practice Sentences

Single quantifier sentences

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SLIDE 5

Logical translations

Unrestricted variables

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SLIDE 6

Alternative (First Order) Representation

Restricted variable binding operators

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SLIDE 7

Translation Procedure

Determiners provide templates 
 for logical representations

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SLIDE 8

“Quantifier Raising”

  • Remove quantificational DPs, replacing the by associated

(novel) variables.

  • Translate the DPs using determiner templates, using the

NP content as the restriction.

  • Reassemble the templates into a single formula, using

available formulas to replace the scopes of the quantifiers.

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SLIDE 9

Every dog chased some cat.

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SLIDE 10

Generalized Quantifiers

Determiners as (second order) relations between sets

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SLIDE 11

Linguistically Significant Classes of Quantifiers

  • Intersective (symmetric)
  • Proportional (asymmetric)
  • Strong vs. Weak DPs
  • Milsark’s generalization: properties may only be

predicated of strong DPs; pivots of existential must be given weak interpretations.

  • Monotonicity (increasing v. decreasing)
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SLIDE 12

Monotonicity

  • Increasing: For B ≤ C, then D(A,B) entails D(A,C)
  • Decreasing: For B ≤ C, then D(A,C) entails D(A,B)
  • Every man walks slowly. Every man walks.
  • No man walks. No man walks slowly.
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SLIDE 13

Diversity at the Interface

  • Determiner (Nominal) quantification vs.
  • Adverbial Quantification
  • Fido usually chases a cat.
  • Puff sometimes eats sardines.
  • Cats rarely chase dogs.
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SLIDE 14

Questions and Discussion