Mass Incarceration Mass Incarceration Glenn C. Loury Brown - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

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Mass Incarceration Mass Incarceration Glenn C. Loury Brown - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

Mass Incarceration Mass Incarceration Glenn C. Loury Brown University Brown University March 2010 Presentation based on data provided by Bruce Western of Harvard University Mass Imprisonment David Garland (2001, 1) defines mass imprisonment: . .


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Mass Incarceration Mass Incarceration

Glenn C. Loury Brown University Brown University March 2010

Presentation based on data provided by Bruce Western of Harvard University

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Mass Imprisonment

David Garland (2001, 1) defines mass imprisonment: . . . a rate of imprisonment. . . that is markedly above the historical and comparative norm for societies of this

  • type. . .

[imprisonment] ceases to be the incarceration of individual offenders and becomes the systematic imprisonment of whole groups of the population.

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Mass Imprisonment

David Garland (2001, 1) defines mass imprisonment: . . . a rate of imprisonment. . . that is markedly above the historical and comparative norm for societies of this

  • type. . .

[imprisonment] ceases to be the incarceration of individual offenders and becomes the systematic imprisonment of whole groups of the population.

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Denmark Sweden France Belgium Austria Italy N'lands Germany UK 200 400 600 Incarceration Rate (per 100,000)

Incarceration in Western Europe, 2001

200 400 600

59 68 77 85 85 95 95 96 126

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Denmark Sweden France Belgium Austria Italy N'lands Germany UK USA 200 400 600 Incarceration Rate (per 100,000)

Incarceration in Western Europe and the US, 2001

200 400 600

59 68 77 85 85 95 95 96 126 686

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  • 1940

1960 1980 2000 100 200 300 400 500

US Imprisonment Rate, 1925−1972

Prisoners per 100,000

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  • 1940

1960 1980 2000 100 200 300 400 500

US Imprisonment Rate, 1925−2006

Prisoners per 100,000

  • ●● ●
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  • 1940

1960 1980 2000 100 200 300 400 500

US Imprisonment Rate, 1925−2006

Prisoners per 100,000

  • ●● ●
  • In 2007:

* 1.5m in prison

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  • 1940

1960 1980 2000 100 200 300 400 500

US Imprisonment Rate, 1925−2006

Prisoners per 100,000

  • ●● ●
  • In 2007:

* 1.5m in prison * 780,000 in jail

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  • 1940

1960 1980 2000 100 200 300 400 500

US Imprisonment Rate, 1925−2006

Prisoners per 100,000

  • ●● ●
  • In 2007:

* 1.5m in prison * 780,000 in jail * 800,000 on parole

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  • 1940

1960 1980 2000 100 200 300 400 500

US Imprisonment Rate, 1925−2006

Prisoners per 100,000

  • ●● ●
  • In 2007:

* 1.5m in prison * 780,000 in jail * 800,000 on parole * 4.2m on probation

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Inmates per 100,000 10000 20000 30000 40000 10000 20000 30000 40000

Incarceration by Race and Education

1980 2008

All

214 750

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Inmates per 100,000 10000 20000 30000 40000 10000 20000 30000 40000

Incarceration by Race and Education

1980 2008

All Men 20−34 Men 20−34 <HS

214 750 650 1750 2350 11950

White

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Inmates per 100,000 10000 20000 30000 40000 10000 20000 30000 40000

Incarceration by Race and Education

1980 2008

All Men 20−34 Men 20−34 <HS Men 20−34 Men 20−34 <HS

214 750 650 1750 2350 11950 5240 11430 10580 37150

White Black

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Cumulative Risk of Imprisonment (%) 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 10 20 30 40 50 60 70

Men's Risk of Imprisonment by 30−34

1.2 1.8 4.2 9.0 12.1 14.7

All Non−college Dropouts All Non−college Dropouts

Whites Blacks

1979

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Cumulative Risk of Imprisonment (%) 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 10 20 30 40 50 60 70

Men's Risk of Imprisonment by 30−34

1.2 3.3 1.8 6.3 4.2 15.3 9.0 20.7 12.1 35.7 14.7 69.0

All Non−college Dropouts All Non−college Dropouts

Whites Blacks

1979 2009

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  • 1940

1960 1980 2000 100 200 300 400 500

US Imprisonment Rate, 1925−2006

Prisoners per 100,000

  • ●● ●
  • In 2007:
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Imprisonment and the Life Course

White and black men, born 1975–1979 experiencing a life event by 2009 (percent). Whites Blacks Marriage 68% 47% Bachelor’s Degree 34 17 Military Service 10 9 Imprisonment 5 27

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Imprisonment and the Life Course

White and black men, born 1975–1979 experiencing a life event by 2009 (percent). Whites Blacks Marriage 68% 47% Bachelor’s Degree 34 17 Military Service 10 9 Imprisonment 5 27

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What Are the Implications for Inequality?

Inequality created by incarceration is:

◮ Invisible ◮ Cumulative ◮ Intergenerational

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What Are the Implications for Inequality?

Inequality created by incarceration is:

◮ Invisible ◮ Cumulative ◮ Intergenerational

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What Are the Implications for Inequality?

Inequality created by incarceration is:

◮ Invisible ◮ Cumulative ◮ Intergenerational

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What Are the Implications for Inequality?

Inequality created by incarceration is:

◮ Invisible ◮ Cumulative ◮ Intergenerational

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Invisible Inequality

◮ Inequality created by incarceration is invisible, because

incarceration is concentrated and segregative, hidden from mainstream society

◮ Important for sociology: Incarceration is often overlooked in

social accounting, and inequality is underestimated

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Invisible Inequality

◮ Inequality created by incarceration is invisible, because

incarceration is concentrated and segregative, hidden from mainstream society

◮ Important for sociology: Incarceration is often overlooked in

social accounting, and inequality is underestimated

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  • 1980

1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 30 40 50 60

Employment Rate, Black Male Dropouts, 20−34

Percent Employed

  • CPS only
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  • 1980

1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 30 40 50 60

Employment Rate, Black Male Dropouts, 20−34

Percent Employed

  • ● ● ●
  • CPS only

Including incarcerated

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Cumulative Inequality

◮ Inequality created by incarceration diminishes the economic

status of those whose employment and wage rates are already very low

◮ Panel data estimates show that incarceration reduces earnings

by about 40%

◮ Experimental evidence indicates employment is reduced by a

third to a half.

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Cumulative Inequality

◮ Inequality created by incarceration diminishes the economic

status of those whose employment and wage rates are already very low

◮ Panel data estimates show that incarceration reduces earnings

by about 40%

◮ Experimental evidence indicates employment is reduced by a

third to a half.

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Cumulative Inequality

◮ Inequality created by incarceration diminishes the economic

status of those whose employment and wage rates are already very low

◮ Panel data estimates show that incarceration reduces earnings

by about 40%

◮ Experimental evidence indicates employment is reduced by a

third to a half.

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Not Incarcerated Low AFQT <HS Incarcerated

20−year Earnings Mobility Among Low−Income Men

Mobile out of 1st Quartile (%) 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 64.4 41.3 36.6 24.6

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Intergenerational Inequality

◮ Large prison populations means large numbers of children

with parents in prison

◮ Stigma of incarceration for children, new research showing

behavioral problems, particularly for boys

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Intergenerational Inequality

◮ Large prison populations means large numbers of children

with parents in prison

◮ Stigma of incarceration for children, new research showing

behavioral problems, particularly for boys

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  • ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●
  • ● ● ● ●
  • ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●

1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2 4 6 8 10 12

Children with Incarcerated Parents, 1980−2008

Number of Children (100,000s)

  • ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●
  • ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●
  • Hispanic
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  • ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●
  • ● ● ● ●
  • ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●

1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2 4 6 8 10 12

Children with Incarcerated Parents, 1980−2008

Number of Children (100,000s)

  • ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●
  • ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●
  • Hispanic

White

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SLIDE 59
  • ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●
  • ● ● ● ●
  • ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●

1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2 4 6 8 10 12

Children with Incarcerated Parents, 1980−2008

Number of Children (100,000s)

  • ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●
  • ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●
  • ● ● ● ●
  • ● ● ● ● ● ● ●
  • ● ●
  • Hispanic

White Black

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  • ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●
  • ● ● ● ●
  • ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●

1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2 4 6 8 10 12

Children with Incarcerated Parents, 1980−2008

Number of Children (100,000s)

  • ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●
  • ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●
  • ● ● ● ●
  • ● ● ● ● ● ● ●
  • ● ●
  • Hispanic

White Black * 11% of black children have a parent incarcerated

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  • ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●
  • ● ● ● ●
  • ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●

1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2 4 6 8 10 12

Children with Incarcerated Parents, 1980−2008

Number of Children (100,000s)

  • ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●
  • ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●
  • ● ● ● ●
  • ● ● ● ● ● ● ●
  • ● ●
  • Hispanic

White Black * 11% of black children have a parent incarcerated * 24% of black children, 1990, will have their father imprisoned by age 14

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Next Steps

◮ State budgets are overburdened by correctional spending ⇒

political will for retrenching mass imprisonment

◮ What is the problem? High imprisonment rates? No ◮ Chronic idleness, addiction, and mental health problems of

men with little schooling

◮ Criminal justice reforms by themselves will be insufficient and

will fail

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Next Steps

◮ State budgets are overburdened by correctional spending ⇒

political will for retrenching mass imprisonment

◮ What is the problem? High imprisonment rates? No ◮ Chronic idleness, addiction, and mental health problems of

men with little schooling

◮ Criminal justice reforms by themselves will be insufficient and

will fail

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Next Steps

◮ State budgets are overburdened by correctional spending ⇒

political will for retrenching mass imprisonment

◮ What is the problem? High imprisonment rates? No ◮ Chronic idleness, addiction, and mental health problems of

men with little schooling

◮ Criminal justice reforms by themselves will be insufficient and

will fail

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Next Steps

◮ State budgets are overburdened by correctional spending ⇒

political will for retrenching mass imprisonment

◮ What is the problem? High imprisonment rates? No ◮ Chronic idleness, addiction, and mental health problems of

men with little schooling

◮ Criminal justice reforms by themselves will be insufficient and

will fail

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Next Steps

◮ State budgets are overburdened by correctional spending ⇒

political will for retrenching mass imprisonment

◮ What is the problem? High imprisonment rates? No ◮ Chronic idleness, addiction, and mental health problems of

men with little schooling

◮ Criminal justice reforms by themselves will be insufficient and

will fail

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Next Steps

◮ State budgets are overburdened by correctional spending ⇒

political will for retrenching mass imprisonment

◮ What is the problem? High imprisonment rates? No ◮ Chronic idleness, addiction, and mental health problems of

men with little schooling

◮ Criminal justice reforms by themselves will be insufficient and

will fail

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Next Steps

◮ State budgets are overburdened by correctional spending ⇒

political will for retrenching mass imprisonment

◮ What is the problem? High imprisonment rates? No ◮ Chronic idleness, addiction, and mental health problems of

men with little schooling

◮ Criminal justice reforms by themselves will be insufficient and

will fail

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Next Steps

◮ State budgets are overburdened by correctional spending ⇒

political will for retrenching mass imprisonment

◮ What is the problem? High imprisonment rates? No ◮ Chronic idleness, addiction, and mental health problems of

men with little schooling

◮ Criminal justice reforms by themselves will be insufficient and

will fail

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Next Steps

◮ State budgets are overburdened by correctional spending ⇒

political will for retrenching mass imprisonment

◮ What is the problem? High imprisonment rates? No ◮ Chronic idleness, addiction, and mental health problems of

men with little schooling

◮ Criminal justice reforms by themselves will be insufficient and

will fail

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Next Steps

◮ State budgets are overburdened by correctional spending ⇒

political will for retrenching mass imprisonment

◮ What is the problem? High imprisonment rates? No ◮ Chronic idleness, addiction, and mental health problems of

men with little schooling

◮ Criminal justice reforms by themselves will be insufficient and

will fail

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A National Prisoner Reentry Plan

◮ Transitional jobs for all parolees needing work (200,000 a year) ◮ More drug treatment, housing, and education ◮ No more re-imprisonment for technical parole violators ◮ Supervision shifts from prison to the community, and replaces

criminal justice oversight with social policy

◮ $8.5 billion cost, $10 billion benefit in reduced crime and

correctional costs

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A National Prisoner Reentry Plan

◮ Transitional jobs for all parolees needing work (200,000 a year) ◮ More drug treatment, housing, and education ◮ No more re-imprisonment for technical parole violators ◮ Supervision shifts from prison to the community, and replaces

criminal justice oversight with social policy

◮ $8.5 billion cost, $10 billion benefit in reduced crime and

correctional costs

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A National Prisoner Reentry Plan

◮ Transitional jobs for all parolees needing work (200,000 a year) ◮ More drug treatment, housing, and education ◮ No more re-imprisonment for technical parole violators ◮ Supervision shifts from prison to the community, and replaces

criminal justice oversight with social policy

◮ $8.5 billion cost, $10 billion benefit in reduced crime and

correctional costs

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A National Prisoner Reentry Plan

◮ Transitional jobs for all parolees needing work (200,000 a year) ◮ More drug treatment, housing, and education ◮ No more re-imprisonment for technical parole violators ◮ Supervision shifts from prison to the community, and replaces

criminal justice oversight with social policy

◮ $8.5 billion cost, $10 billion benefit in reduced crime and

correctional costs

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A National Prisoner Reentry Plan

◮ Transitional jobs for all parolees needing work (200,000 a year) ◮ More drug treatment, housing, and education ◮ No more re-imprisonment for technical parole violators ◮ Supervision shifts from prison to the community, and replaces

criminal justice oversight with social policy

◮ $8.5 billion cost, $10 billion benefit in reduced crime and

correctional costs

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A National Prisoner Reentry Plan

◮ Transitional jobs for all parolees needing work (200,000 a year) ◮ More drug treatment, housing, and education ◮ No more re-imprisonment for technical parole violators ◮ Supervision shifts from prison to the community, and replaces

criminal justice oversight with social policy

◮ $8.5 billion cost, $10 billion benefit in reduced crime and

correctional costs

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Mass Incarceration Redux

◮ When incareration rates are high and concentrated. . . ◮ And incarceration has large and enduring effects on inequality

(invisible, cumulative, and intergenerational)...

◮ Mass incarceration has produced a new social group separated

from full membership in society

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Mass Incarceration Redux

◮ When incareration rates are high and concentrated. . . ◮ And incarceration has large and enduring effects on inequality

(invisible, cumulative, and intergenerational)...

◮ Mass incarceration has produced a new social group separated

from full membership in society

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Mass Incarceration Redux

◮ When incareration rates are high and concentrated. . . ◮ And incarceration has large and enduring effects on inequality

(invisible, cumulative, and intergenerational)...

◮ Mass incarceration has produced a new social group separated

from full membership in society

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Here’s a ‘narrative defining question for you: Should we think about racial disparity of punishment in America as an accidental accretion of neutral state action applied to a racially divergent social flux – the chips having fallen as they may, so to speak? Or is this powerfully salient feature of contemporary American social life better understood as the residual effect of our uniquely American history of enslavement, violent domination, disenfranchisement and racial discrimination? That is, ought we to think of massive racial inequality in the incidence of punishment in America as a necessary evil, given our need for order maintenance? Or, should we view it an abhorrent expression of who we Americans have become as a people at the dawn of the 21st century?