Ini$al'Stages'of'Events:'the'Unmarked' Predicates'in'Atayal' - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

Ini$al'Stages'of'Events:'the'Unmarked' Predicates'in'Atayal'

Sihwei&Chen& University&of&Bri2sh&Columbia'

' '

AFLA;23,&Tokyo&University&of&Foreign&Studies& June&11,&2016&

Introduc$on'

• This&paper&addresses&the&aspectual&proper2es&of&unmarked&

predicates&in&Atayal&(Formosan,&Austronesian).&

• Unmarked)predicates)are&predicates&that&are&only&marked&with&

a&voice&affix,&without&any&aspect&marker.&& & &=&morphologically'aspectually>unmarked'predicates''

• Why&are&unmarked&predicates&interes2ng?&They&appear&to&denote&a&variety&
• f&aspectual&interpreta2ons.&&
• Huang&(1993)&and&Zeitoun&et&al.&(1996)&characterize&unmarked&forms&in&

Atayal&as&allowing&a&past,&a&present)progressive,&or&a)present)habitual& reading:& & &(1) &a.& &m;ihiy=ku’& &&&&&&& &laqi’.& & & &(Actor&voice)& & & &AV;beat=1S.ABS&&& &child& & & &‘I&beat&(past)&a&child.’& & & &‘I&am&bea2ng&a&child.’& & & &‘I&(usually)&beat&child(ren).’&& & & &b. &bhiy;an=mu&&&&&&&&laqi’. &&&&&&&&&& & &(Non;actor&voice)& & & &beat;LV=1S.ERG &&&child& & & &‘I&beat&(past)&the&child.’&(Wulai&Squliq,&Zeitoun&et&al.&1996:&24;25)&

Introduc$on'

• (1)&appears&to&suggest&that&unmarked&predicates&cover&both&imperfec2ve&

and&perfec2ve&readings&such&that&they&are&aspectually)underspecified.& They&are&some2mes&referred&to&as&‘neutral&forms’&in&the&literature.&&

• However,&there&remain&several&empirical&ques2ons:&

&; &What&is&the&aspect&of&the&past&reading?&& &; &Is&the&range&of&readings&available&for&every&lexical&aspectual&class?& &; &Why&is&it&that&the&verb&in&the&non;actor&voice,&unlike&in&the&actor&voice,& & &only&receives&a&past&episodic&reading?&& &

• As&this&paper&is&concerned&with&aspect,&I&leave&issues&of&temporal&

interpreta2on&aside.&

• In&this&paper,&I&focus&on&the&episodic&reading&of&unmarked&predicates.&

Introduc$on'

• A&preview&of&the&possible&readings&of&unmarked&predicates&

&

• Diagnos2cs&for&lexical&aspect&in&Atayal&
• Tests&for&ini2al&and&final&points&of&events&denoted&by&unmarked&

predicates&

• Problems&with&(im)perfec2vity&&
• Analysis&and&poten2al&alterna2ves&
• Conclusions&and&typological&implica2ons&

Outline'

• Unmarked&predicates&allow&a&habitual&reading:&&

& (2) &lung;un=maku’& &krryax& &i& &yutas.&& &think;PV=1S.ERG& &oden& &ABs &grandfather& &‘I&oden&miss&my&deceased&grandfather.’&(Wu&2008:&80)& && (3) &m;nbuw&&&sraral&&&&ga&&&&wal=nya’&&&&&&&&&&&lax;an&&&misu&&qani&&la.&&&&&&& &AV;drink&&&before&&TOP&&&PRF.PFV=3S.ERG&&quit;LV&&now&&&this&&&PRT& &‘He&used&to&drink&before,&but&he&has&quit&now.’& &

• Unmarked&predicates,&however,&lack&an&event;in;progress&

interpreta2on&for&the&speakers&that&I&consulted...&&

Readings'of'unmarked'predicates'

• In&a&telephone&conversa2on&that&requires&the&progressive&aspect&in&

English,&an&unmarked&even2ve&is&infelicitous:& (4) &Context:&Your)brother)is)calling)to)ask)you)to)pick)him)up.)You)say,)“I) )cannot)come)because)…”) &#&mgluw=sami&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&m;nbuw&&&qwaw&&ki&&&&&&&rangi’=mu.&&&&&& &&&&together.AV=1P.EXCL.ABS&&&AV;drink&&&&wine&&&&COM&&friend=1S.GEN& &&&&&&&&&&&‘I&drank&with&my&friends.’& &

• An&event;in;process&reading&is&also&absent&in&the&past:&

(5) &kt;an=maku’&&&hya’&&&lga,&&&m;ngilis&&kya&&&&&&hya’&&&&la.& && &see;LV=1S.ERG&&3S.N&&&PRT&&&&AV;cry&&&&&there&&&3S.N&&&&PRT& && &‘When&I&saw&him,&he&cried.’&/&≠&‘When&I&saw&him,&he&is&crying.& &

• What&is,&then,&the&episodic&reading&of&unmarked&predicates?&&

NO'progressive'reading'

• There&are&(at&least)&four&lexical&classes:&(i)&ac2vi2es,&(ii)&

accomplishments,&(iii)&achievements,&and&(iv)&states&in&Atayal.& They&can&be&diagnosed&by:& 1. Readings&when&combined&with&the&progressive&aspect;& 2. A&language;specific&construc2on&for&dura2on&of&events;&& 3. Readings&when&combined&with&the&perfect&aspect.& &

Lexical'aspectual'class'in'Atayal''

• Ac2vi2es&and&accomplishments&give&rise&to&an&ongoing&reading&with&the&progressive&

aspect&cyux/nyux;&achievements&and&states&have&a&result;state&reading.& (6) &kt;an=maku’& &hya’&&lga, &&&&nyuw& &m;ngilis&&&la.& & &(Ac2vity)& && &see;LV=1S.ERG &3S.N&&PRT.TOP&&&PROG.PROX&&AV;cry&&&&&&PRT& && &‘When&I&saw&him,&he&is&crying.’&&

&

(7) &cuyw=naha&&&&&& &kblay;un&&qu&&&ngasal.& & & & & &(Accomplishment)& &PROG.DIST=3P.ERG&&&make;PV&&&ABS&&house.& &‘They&are&building&the&house.’&

&

(8) &p;ringwa’=saku’=nya’&lga, & && & & & & &(Achievement)& & &cyux=saku’ &&&&&&&&&&rima’ &&&tayhuk& &b’bu’&&&&&&&&rgyax&&& &&&&&la.& & & & & & &PROG.DIST=1S.ABS&&already&&arrive.AV& &summit&&&&mountain&&PRT& &‘When&he&called&me,&I&had&arrived&at&the&summit.’&/&≠&‘….&I&was&arriving&at&the&summit.&

&

(9) &kt;an=maku’&rimuy&sa&rihay&wayal&lga,& & & & & &(State)& )) )cyux& &&&&&&&&&&krahu’&&&ktu’=nya’&&&&&&&&&la.&&& && & &PROG.DIST&&&&big&&&&&&&&&belly=3S.ERG&&&&&PRT&& &‘When&I&saw&Rimuy&last&week,&she&had&gooen&pregnant.’&/&≠&‘….&she&was&pregnant.’& &

• Note&that&states,&which&are&ambiguous&b/t&inchoa2ve&and&homogeneous&states&in&

unmarked&forms&(see&below),&are&only&interpreted&as&inchoa2ve&with&the&progressive.&

1.'Readings'when'combined'with'the'progressive'aspect&'

• Achievements&can&be&dis2nguished&from&states&(and&other&classes)&by&

availability&of&ryax;construc2on&‘spend/take…’:&&

&

(10)&a.&*qutux&&&kawas&ryax=nya’&&&&&&&&m;huqil. & & & &(Achievement)& &&&&&&&&&&&&&&&one&&&&&&year&&&&spend=3S.ERG&&AV;die& &&&&&&&&&&&&&&Intended:&‘He&has&died&for&one&year.’&

&

&&&&&&&b.&&&qutux&&kawas&h<in>qil;an=nya’&&&&&&&&&&&&&&la.&& &&&&&&&&&&&&&&one&&&&&&year&&&&die<EXP.PRF>;LV=3S.ERG&&&&PRT& &&&&&&&&&&&&&&‘His&death&(the&2me&he&died)&has&been&one&year.’&

&

(11)&&qutux&kawas&ryax&&&&&m;bka’&&&&&&&&na&&&&tubung&&&&qasa. & &(State)& &&&&&&&&&one&&&&year&&&&&spend&&AV;broken&&ERG&&&window&&that&& &&&&&&&&&‘That&window&is&broken&for&one&year.’& &

• Unlike&states,&achievements&are&not&dura2ve.&&

&

2.'Availability'of'ryax>construc$on'‘spend/take…’'

• When&marked&with&the&perfec2ve;perfect&aspect&wal,&ac2vi2es&terminate,&

and&accomplishments&and&achievements&culminate.&&

&

(12) &wal& &&&&&m;ngilis&&&qu&&&&tali’&&(#ga))ini’)))hawh)))))))na’).&& & &&&&& &&&&&&&&(Ac2vity)& && &PRF.PFV&&AV;cry&&&&&&ABS&&&Tali’&&&&TOP&NEG&&finish.PV&&s2ll& &&&&&&&& &‘Tali’&cried&(#but&he&didn’t&stop).’&&

&

(13)&&wal))))kblayun&&ni&&&&&watan&&sa&&&kawas&&wayal&&(#ga))ini’=nya’)))suqi)))na’).(Accomp.)& &&&&&&&&&PRF.PFV&&make.PV&ERG&&Watan&&LOC&year&&&&&past&&&&TOP&NEG=3S.ERG&finish.PV&s2ll& &&&&&&&&&‘Watan&finished&building&the&house&last&year&(#but&he&didn’t&finish&building&it&yet).’&&

&

(14) &Context:&You)describe)to)your)friend)how)Rimuy’s)husband)survived)an))accident.&&& && &#&(awbih)&&wal))))))m;huqil&&&qu&&&mlikuy=nya’&&&la,&&&&ulung))))))))))ini’)))huqil.&&&&&(Achv.)& &&&&&&&&&&&&&almost&&PRF.PFV&&AV;die&&&&&ABS&&man=3S.GEN&&&PRT&&fortunately&&NEG&&&die.AV&& &&&&&&&&&Intended:&‘Her&husband&(almost)&died,&but&fortunately&he&didn’t&die/finish&dying.’&

3.'Readings'when'combined'with'the'perfect'aspect&'

• Note&that&although&ac2vi2es&and&accomplishments&behave&alike&in&being&

bounded&in&the&perfect&aspect,&several&clues&suggest&that&they&can&s2ll&be& dis2nguished:&& 1. &Ac2vi2es&in&the&perfect&tend&to&be&translated&as&perfect,&while& &accomplishments&as&perfec2ve.&& 2. &Temporal&phrases&are&interpreted&as&past&punctual&in&unmarked& &ac2vi2es,&&e.g.,&drank&at&3,&but&as&future&incep2ve&in&unmarked& &accomplishments,&e.g.,&will&drink&the&wine&at&3.& 3. &When&cancelling&the&event&(i.e.,&but&he&didn’t&finish&it),&unmarked& &ac2vi2es&are&con2nued&with&AV&‘finish’&but&unmarked&accomplishments& &with&PV&‘finish’.&&&

• There&is&an&intended&endpoint&in&accomplishments&but&not&in&ac2vi2es.&&

&

3.'Readings'when'combined'with'the'perfect'aspect&'

• Regarding&states,&they&are&interpreted&as&inchoa2ve&only&in&the&perfect:&

(15) &Context:&Tali’)used)to)run)very)fast)but)he)got)fat)and)couldn’t)do)so) )anymore.)& &ini’ &thuzyay& &m;ayqzinah&&misu&&qani&lgi&&&&&&&&&&&&wal&&&&&&&&&&qthuy&iyal&&&la.& &NEG& &able.AV& &hard&&&&&&&now&&&this&&&PRT.because&&&PFV.PRF&&&fat&&&&&&&very&&PRT& &‘He&can’t&run&hard&now&because&he&has&gooen&very&fat.’&&

&

(16) &Context:&Describe)how)Wagi’)had)a)difficult)Kme)living)in)those)old)days.& && &(??wal)& &m;’uy& &sraral& &qu& &wagi’.&& &&& &PFV.PRF& &AV;tried& &before& &ABS& &wagi’& &&& &‘Wagi’&was&2red&before.’& &

• As&with&accomplishments&and&achievements,&inchoa2ve&states&realize&

when&marked&with&the&perfect:&&

(17) &wal&&&&&&&balay&&&m;’uy&&&&&hya’&&&(#ga))nyux)))))))))))ini))))kL’uy)))))))))))))la).&& &&&&& &PRF.PFV&&truly&&&&Av;2red&3S.N&&&&&&TOP&PROG.PROX&&NEG&&STA;2red.AV&&PRT& &&&&& &Intended:&‘He&got&2red&but&has&not&gooen&2red.’&&

3.'Readings'when'combined'with'the'perfect'aspect&'

Summary'for'lexical'aspect'

&

• While&there&are&other&diagnos2cs,&these&three&suffice&to&dis2nguish&four&

lexical&classes&in&Atayal.&

! Activities! Accomplishments! Achievements! States! Progressive!

• ngoing%event%
• ngoing%event%

result%state% result%state/% *state% Durative! +durative% +durative% −durative% +durative% Perfect! terminate% culminate% culminate% culminate%(COS)% /*state%

I&apply&canonical&tests&proposed&for&diagnosing&eventuality&(e.g.,& Smith&1991,&Bar;el&2005):& &

• Tests&for&ini2al&points&

&;&Readings&induced&by&punctual&clauses&& &;&Interpreta2ons&of&2me&phrases&& &

• Tests&for&final&points&

&;&Culmina2on/termina2on&cancella2on&& &;&Event&con2nua2on&&

Tests'for'aspectual'proper$es'of'unmarked'forms'

• Unmarked&predicates&give&rise&to&incep2ve&readings&when&modified&by&

punctual&clauses.&This&holds&for&every&even2ve&class:&

'

(18)&&kt;an=maku’&&&hya’&&&lga,&&m;ngilis&&hya’&&la.&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&& &&(Ac2vity)&& &&&&&&&&&see;LV=1S.ERG&&3S.N&&&PRT&&&AV;cry&&&&&3S.N&&PRT&& &&&&&&&&&‘When&I&saw&him,&he&cried.’&&

&

(19) &tayhuk& &qu&&tali’&&ga,&&kblay;un=naha&&&&qu&&&ngasal&&la.&(Accomplishment)& && &arrive.AV&&ABS&Tali’&TOP&make;PV=3P.ERG&ABS&&house&PRT& && &‘When&Tali’&arrived,&they&started&building&the&house.’&&

&

(20) &m;wah=saku’& & &lga,&&&&&&&&&&&m;huqil& &hya’&&la.&&&&&&&&&&&&&(Achievement)& && &AV;come=1S.ABS& &PRT.TOP& &AV;die& &3SN&&&PRT& && &‘When&I&came,&he&died.’&&

Reading'induced'by'punctual'clauses'

• States&are&ambiguous&between&inchoa2ve&and&homogeneous&readings:&

(21) &Context:&You)saw)your)friend’s)kid)Tali’)aMer)a)long)Kme.&& & &krahu’&&qu&&&tali’&&&la.& & &big.AV&&&ABS&&Tali’&&PRT& & &‘Tali’&got&big/grew&up.’&

&

(22) &Context:&You)are)trying)to)remind)me)of)who)is)who)among)our)new)friends.) )“Tali’)is)big)and)Temu’s)is)small.”)& & &krahu’&&qu&&&tali’.& & &big.AV&&&ABS&&Tali’& & &‘Tali’&is&big.’& &

• Inchoa2ve&states&behave&like&other&even2ves,&whereas&homogeneous&states&
• verlap&with&the&2me&of&punctual&clauses:&

(23) &m;bka’&&&&&&&&qu&&&tubung&&&sa&&&&m;zyup=saku’&&&&&blihun&la.& &(I.&State)& &AV;broken&&ABS&&window&&LOC&&AV;enter=1S.ABS&&door&&&&PRT& &&&&&&&& &‘The&window&got&broken&when&I&entered&the&door.’&&& & && (24) &m;bka’&&&&&&&&qu&&&tubung&&&sa&&&&m;zyup=saku’&&&&&blihun.& &(H.&State)& &‘The&window&was&broken&when&I&entered&the&door.’&&&

Reading'induced'by'punctual'clauses'

17&

• Ac2vi2es&and&accomplishments&are&compa2ble&with&an&asser2on&that&the&

described&event&didn’t&complete,&but&achievements&and&inchoa2ve&states&are&not.&&

&

(25) &m;ngilis& &qu& &tali’&ru) )nyuw))))))))))ini’))))hawh))))))))))na’.&&& &(Ac2vity)& && &AV;cry& &ABS& &Tali’&CONJ.&&PROG.PROX&&NEG&&&give.up.AV&&yet& && &‘Tali’&cried&and&he&hasn’t&stopped&it&yet&(lit.&he&hasn’t&given&up&crying).’&

&

(26) &kblay;un&&&ni&&&&&watan&&&ga))))ini’=nya’)))))))suqi)))))))))na’.&&&&&&&&&&& &(Accomplishment)& &&&&&&&&&&make;PV&&&&ERG&&&Watan&&TOP&&NEG=3S.ERG&&&finish.PV&&s2ll&& &&&&&&&&&&‘Watan&built&the&house&but&didn’t&finish&it&yet.’&&

&

(27)&#m;huqil&&&qu&&&mlikuy=nya’&&&la,&&&&ulung))))))))))))ini’)))huqil.&&&&& &(Achv.)& &&AV;die&&&&&ABS&&man=3S.GEN&&&PRT&&&fortunately&&NEG&&&die.AV&& &&&&&&&&&&&Intended:&‘Her&husband&died,&but&fortunately&he&didn’t&die/finish&dying.’&

&

(28) &Context:&Yayut)eats)a)lot.)She’s)geOng)fat)but)fortunately)she)hasn’t)goPen)fat.& &#&(awbih)&&&&qthuy&&&qu&&&yayut&&ga&&&&ini’&&&k;qthuy&&&&la.& & &(Inchoa2ve&State)& &&&&&&&&&&&&&&&almost&&fat.AV&&&ABS&&Yayut&&&TOP&&NEG&&STA;fat.AV&PRT&& &&&&&&&&&&&&&&&Intended&for&‘Yayut&almost&got&fat&but&she&didn’t&get&fat/finish&getng&fat.’&

&

Culmina$on/termina$on'entailment'

• Ac2vity&and&accomplishment&events&can&be&conjoined&with&an&asser2on&

that&the&event&con2nues&without&introducing&infelicity.&& (29) &&m;ngilis&&mlhngan&&shira’&&&&&&qu&&&tali’&&&ru)))))ki’a))))cyux)))))))))mLngilis))na’.& &&&&&&&&&&AV;cry&&&&&night&&&&&&&yesterday&ABS&&Tali’&CONJ.&might&PROG.DIST&AV;cry&&&&&s2ll& &&&&&&&&&&‘Tali&cried&last&night;&maybe&he&is&s2ll&crying.’&& & (30) &&kblay;un&&&ni&&&&watan&&&ru))))))))cyux)))))))))))kblayLun)))na’.&&&&&& &&&&&&&&&&make;PV&&&ERG&&Watan&&CONJ.&&&PROG.DIST&&&make;PV&&&s2ll&& &&&&&&&&&&‘Watan&built&the&house&and&he&is&s2ll&building&it.’& &

• Note&that&non;culmina2on&effects&appear&to&be&similar&to&being&able&to&

con2nue,&but&the&two&criteria&do&not&always&coincide&in&languages&(cf.& Singh&1998&for&Hindi,&Koenig&and&Muansuwan&2000&for&Thai).&

Event'con$nua$on'

• Unfortunately,&this&test&is&not&applicable&to&achievements&as&the&

progressive&yields&a&result&state&to&achievements&in&Atayal.&& &

• Inchoa2ve&states&are&similarly&not&subject&to&this&test:&&

(31)&qthuy&&&qu&&&yayut&&la&&&&&#ru)))))))nyuw)))))))))))qthuy))hya’)))na’.&& &&&&&&&&FAT.AV&&&ABS&&Yayut&&PRT&&&&&CONJ.&&PROG.PROX&&&fat&&&&&&&&3S.N&&&s2ll& &&&&&&&&Intended:&‘Yayut&got&fat&and&she&is&s2ll&getng&fat.’& &Consultant’s&comment:&“This&doesn’t&make&sense:&qthuy)qu)yayut)) )la)is&a&complete&sentence;&why&did&you&add&‘she&is&s2ll&fat’?”&

Event'con$nua$on'

• Unmarked&predicates&are&interpreted&differently&with&respect&to&lexical&

classes:& ; Unmarked&ac2vi2es&and&accomplishments&begin&but&need&not&stop/culminate.&& ; Unmarked&achievements&culminate,&with&ini2al&and&final&points&coinciding.&& ; Unmarked&inchoa2ve&states&realize.&& ; Unmarked&homogeneous&states&are&dis2nct&from&other&classes&in&not& &entailing&ini2al&and&final&points.&&&

• This&doesn’t&mean&that&there&is&no&unified&interpreta2on!&

Proper$es'Summarized'

! inceptive(readings( with(punctual(clause( failure(to( terminate/culminate(( ability(to( continue( Activities( √! √( √( Accomplishments( √! √( √( Achievements( √!(instantaneous)! *( n.a.! States( √!(inchoative)!/! *!(homogeneous)! *!(inchoative)! n.a.!

• (Im)perfec2ve&(Kratzer&1998;&cf.&Klein&1994)&&

&Perfec2ve:&ET&included&in&RT& &&&&& &&λP<l,&st>.&λti.&λws.&el&[τ(e)& t&&&P(e)(w)&=&1]& & && &Imperfec2ve:&RT&included&in&ET& &&&&&&&&&& &λP<l,&st>.&λti.&λws.&el&[t&&τ(e)&&&P(e)(w)&=&1]&& &

• Unlike&perfec2ve,&unmarked&accomplishments&don’t&culminate.&

Unlike&imperfec2ve,&events&must&begin&within&RT,&and&achievements& culminate&(rather&than,&e.g.,&being&coerced).&&

• Given&the&picture&that&the&meaning&of&the&Atayal&unmarked&predicates&

depends&on&lexical&classes,&an&aspect&ambiguous&between&PFV&and& IPFV&(e.g.,&Csirmaz&2008)&is&not&readily&applicable.&&

• Not&a&default&(telicity;dependent)&aspect&(Bohnemeyer&and&Swid&

2004).&

Problems'with'(Im)perfec$vity&'

• Neutral&aspect&is&a&special&viewpoint&that&allows&reference&to&the&

beginning&point&of&an&event&and&part&of&its&internal&stages,&but&not&to&the& final&point&(Smith&1991,&also&cf.&Iatridou&et&al.&2003,&Pancheva&2003).&&

• The&precise&interpreta2on&of&‘internal&stages’&of&an&event&is&condi2oned&

by&eventuality&type&(where&I&indicates&the&ini2al&point&and&the&dot&an& internal&stage):&

&

(32) &Schema&for&neutral&viewpoint&(Smith&1994:&129;&1997:&81)& && &I.& && &///&

&

&& & &

• In&the&neutral&aspect,&ac2vi2es&and&accomplishments&lack&the&telicity&

contrast&as&in&English.&&

Neutral'aspect'

• I’ve&showed&that&the&event&denoted&by&unmarked&

predicates&begins&within&RT&but&needs&not&complete&and& may&con2nue.&& &

• This&is&exactly&what&Smith’s&neutral&aspect&characterizes!&
• However…&&

The'‘Imperfec$ve'Paradox’'

• Given&that&accomplishments&in&the&perfec2ve;perfect&wal)entail&

culmina2on,&the&non;culmina2ng&effect&in&the&unmarked&forms&becomes& a&(classic)&puzzle&—&the&‘imperfec2ve&paradox’,&which&is&observed&on& progressives&(Dowty&1979,&Parsons&1990,&Landman&1992,&etc.).& (33) &&&kblay;un=naha&&&&qu&&&&ngasal.&& &&&&&&&&&&&make;PV=3P.ERG&&ABS&&&house& '''‘They&built&the&house.’ & & &&

DOES'NOT'ENTAIL&&

&

(34) &&&wal=naha&&&&&&&&&&kblay;un&&&qu&&&&ngasal.&& &&&PFV.PRF=3P.ERG&&make;PV&&&&ABS&&&house&&&& &&&&&&&&&&&‘They&built&the&house.’&&

&

• This&urges&an&intensional&seman2cs&on&the&unmarked&forms.&The&idea:&the&

completed&accomplishment&event&takes&place&in&possible&worlds,&and& there&is&an&actual;world&event&which&is&a&part&of&that&event.&

• I&propose&that&every&sentence&of&unmarked&even2ve&predicates&

in&Atayal&possesses&a&phonologically&covert&neutral&aspect&(in& the&sense&of&Smith&1991).& &

• This&null&aspect&requires&that&only&the&ini2al&stage&of&an&event&is&

included&in&the&reference&2me,&allowing&for&further& development&of&the&event.&& &

Proposal'

• Building&upon&Altshuler’s&(2014)&analysis&of&Russian&imperfec2ve,&I&propose&

that&the&Atayal&null&aspect&has&the&following&denota2on:& [[&NEU&]]c,g&=&λP&λt&λe)λwe’w’&[I>STAGE(e,)e’,)w,)w’,)P)&&&τ(e)''t],&where&& [[I;STAGE(e,)e’,)w,)w’,)P)]]c,g&=&1&iff&(i)–(iv)&holds:&& &(i)& &the&history&of&w’)is&the&same&as&the&history&of&w&up&to&and&including&τ(e);& &(ii)& &w’)is&a&reasonable&op2on&for&e&in&w;& &(iii) &[[P]]c,g&(e’,)w’)&=&1; & & &&&&&&&((i;ii)&are&based&on&Landman&1992)&& &(iv)& &e''e’'iff'τ(e)''τ(e)'and'e1'~'e2&&

&

• (iv)&says&that&e'is'an'ini$al'stage'of'e’'iff'τ(e)'is'an'ini$al'subinterval'of'

τ(e’),'and'e'and'e’'are'cross>temporally'iden$cal'(cf.&Landman&and& Rothstein&2012).&&

• The&ini2al&stage&of&an&event)P)in&w&is&included&in)t,)and&it&is&only&a&part&of&

the&event&con2nued&in&some&possible&world&w’.&

Analysis'

Explaining'the'presence/absence'of'culmina$on'entailments''

• As&with&Altshuler&(2014),&I&also&assume&that&achievements&denote&a&

set&of&atomic&stages&(rather&than&no&stages,&e.g.,&Rothstein&2004).&

• Thus,&an&achievement&trivially&develops&into&itself&in&every&world&in&

the&null&aspect,&yielding&culmina2on&entailments.&&

• By&contrast,&a&stage&of&an&accomplishment&event&that&sa2sfies&the&null&

aspect&is&never&iden2cal&to&the&completed&event.&&

Explaining'the'event'con$nua$on' '

• Without&restric2ng&development&of&an&event,&which&is&required&for&e.g.&

Thai&(Koenig&and&Muansuwan&2000),&any&bigger&part&of&that&event,&which& shares&the&same&ini2al&stage,&could&keep&developing&beyond&the&ini2al& stage.&

(36) &Surii&tɛ̀ɛŋ&&&&&&&&&&klɔɔn&sɔɔ̌ŋ&bòt&khɯ̂n'&&&tɛɛ&jaŋ&mâj&sèd&& &Surii&compose&poem&two&CL&&&ascend&&but&s2ll&not&finish&&& & &‘Surii&composed&two&poems,&but&has&not&finished&them&yet.’&&

&

(37)&#Surii&tɛ̀ɛŋ&&&klɔɔn&&sâam&bòt&&khɯ̂n&&&&&lɛʔ&&&&kamlaŋ&&tɛ̀ɛŋ&&&&&&&&&&jùu&& &Surii&write&poem&three&CL&&&ascend&&&and&&PROG&&&&compose&&CONT&& &‘Surii&composed&three&poems&and&is&s2ll&composing&them.’&(K&&&M&2000:157)&

Explaining'the'incep$ve'reading''

• The&inclusion&of&the&running&2me&of&ini2al&stages&inside&the&reference&

2me&accounts&for&incep2ve&readings&for&every&even2ve&class.&&

• An&alterna2ve&to&the&above&analysis&is&to&encode&the&intensional&

seman2cs&as&a&lexical&property&rather&than&to&build&it&into&the& seman2cs&of&viewpoint&aspect.&&

• Then,&the&Atayal&unmarked&predicates&take&a&(null)&perfec2ve,&by&

which&incep2ve&readings&with&every&lexical&class&and&culmina2on&of& achievements&are&expected,&whereas&accomplishments&are&unusual& due&to&extra&seman2cs.&&

• For&instance,&the&culmina2on&of&accomplishments&can&be&removed&by&

an&IPFV&operator&(Koenig&&&Muansuwan&2000)&or&by&a&telicity&head& (Bar;el&et&al.&2005).&

• Also,&ac2vi2es&and&accomplishments&can&con2nue&if&two&units&of&

ac2vity&events&are&viewed&as&the&same&event.&&

Poten$al'alterna$ves'

• This&analysis,&however,&gives&a&wrong&predic2on&of&accomplishments&

in&the&perfec2ve&perfect&form.& &

• If&Atayal&accomplishment&stems&had&no&final&point,&the&perfect&

sentence&could&terminate&without&entailing&that&a&culmina2on&has& been&reached,&contrary&to&the&fact:&& (38) &wal''''''''kblay0un'ni&&&&watan&sa&&&kawas&wayal&#ga))ini’)))tmasuq)))na’.& &PRF.PFV&&make;PV&&&ERG&Watan&LOC&year&&&&past&&&&&&TOP&NEG&&finish.AV&s2ll& &‘Watan&built&the&house&last&year&(#but&he&didn’t&finish&building&it).’& &

• The&culmina2on&effect&cannot&be&encoded&in&the&perfect&either&as&it&

would&force&undesired&final&points&for&ac2vi2es.&&

Poten$al'alterna$ves'

• Another&possibility&is&to&suppose&that&accomplishment&stems&are&

ambiguous&between&a&non;culmina2ng&and&a&culmina2ng&reading& (e.g.,&Tatevosov&2008),&and&the&perfect&only&applies&to&the&culmina2ng& form&but&not&the&other.&&

• This&analysis&requires&further&evidence&for&the&ambiguity&of&

accomplishment&stems&in&the&language.&& &

• Technically&speaking,&the&null&neutral&aspect&that&I&propose&can&be&

also&seen&as&extending&Bar;el’s&and&this&analysis:&Atayal&needs&a&null& version&of&the&morpheme&that&takes&away&culmina2on,&and&the& perfect&cannot&contain&that.&&&

Poten$al'alterna$ves'

• Atayal&unmarked&forms&instan2ate&(null)&neutral&aspect,&which&

includes&the&ini2al&stage&of&the&described&event&within&RT.&

• This&aspect&(a)&ensures&that&the&event&begins,&but&(b)&does&

not&ensure&that&it&reaches&any&par2cular&culmina2on/ termina2on&point.&&

• The&varied&interpreta2ons&follow&from&the&nature&of&events&in&

different&lexical&aspect.&

Conclusions'

• Atayal&unmarked&predicates&support&neutral&aspect&as&an&

independent&viewpoint&aspect,&contra&Altshuler&(2013).&&

• The&result&has&a&typological&implica2on&for&encoding&non;

culmina2on&effects&in&viewpoint&aspect:&The&intensional& seman2cs&can&be&introduced&by&any&viewpoint&operator,&which& varies&in&other&components.&&

Typological'implica$ons'

Inceptive reading Ongoing reading Event continuation Culmination cancellation Example Perfective √ * * √ Thai khɯ ̂ n Imperfective * √ √ √ Russian -yva Neutral √ * √ √ Atayal null form Progressive * √ √ √ English -ing