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Democracy, Information, and Audience Costs (Previously circulated as Informational Effects of Audience Costs) Shuhei Kurizaki & Taehee Whang Waseda University Yonsei University American Political Science Association, Philadelphia,


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SLIDE 1

Democracy, Information, and Audience Costs

(Previously circulated as “Informational Effects of Audience Costs”)

Shuhei Kurizaki & Taehee Whang

Waseda University Yonsei University

American Political Science Association, Philadelphia, September 1-4, 2016

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SLIDE 2

Research Program on Audience Costs

Audience costs can make the decision to go to war rational (Fearon 1994) A set of conjectures to be substantiated

◮ Audience costs exist ◮ Audience costs ∝ democracy ◮ Audience costs → bargaining power

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SLIDE 3

Research Program on Audience Costs

Audience costs can make the decision to go to war rational (Fearon 1994) A set of conjectures to be substantiated

◮ Audience costs exist ◮ Audience costs ∝ democracy ◮ Audience costs → bargaining power

Tomz 2007, K+W 2015 K+W 2015 “Democratic Advantage”

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SLIDE 4

Research Program on Audience Costs

Audience costs can make the decision to go to war rational (Fearon 1994) A set of conjectures to be substantiated

◮ Audience costs exist ◮ Audience costs ∝ democracy ◮ Audience costs → bargaining power

Tomz 2007, K+W 2015 K+W 2015 “Democratic Advantage” But this causal effect depends on a learning mechanism: Audience costs help to send credible signals and learn each other’s resolve

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SLIDE 5

Research Program on Audience Costs

Audience costs can make the decision to go to war rational (Fearon 1994) A set of conjectures to be substantiated

◮ Audience costs exist ◮ Audience costs ∝ democracy ◮ Audience costs → bargaining power

Tomz 2007, K+W 2015 K+W 2015 “Democratic Advantage” But this causal effect depends on a learning mechanism: Audience costs help to send credible signals and learn each other’s resolve

◮ Audience costs → information

⇐ This paper

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SLIDE 6

What We Do: Objectives

  • 1. Test Whether Audience Costs Facilitate Learning

◮ We model learning as belief-updating in a crisis ◮ We measure the prior and posterior beliefs

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SLIDE 7

What We Do: Objectives

  • 1. Test Whether Audience Costs Facilitate Learning

◮ We model learning as belief-updating in a crisis ◮ We measure the prior and posterior beliefs

This allows us to test another outstanding question in the literature

  • n democracy and conflict.
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SLIDE 8

What We Do: Objectives

  • 1. Test Whether Audience Costs Facilitate Learning

◮ We model learning as belief-updating in a crisis ◮ We measure the prior and posterior beliefs

This allows us to test another outstanding question in the literature

  • n democracy and conflict.
  • 2. Test Among Informational Mechanisms of Democracy

Democratic Institutions Institutional constraints Democratic Advantage Signaling via audience costs Transparency Information revelation Schultz (1999 IO)

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SLIDE 9

How Do We Do This? Structural Approach

◮ We measure learning itself as it is defined in audience costs theory,

rather than its effect.

◮ Signaling and learning are modeled as beliefs and their changes ◮ Belief-updating and audience costs are both estimated based

  • n the estimates of underlying payoffs and outcome

probabilities in international conflict data

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SLIDE 10

How Do We Do This? Structural Approach

◮ We measure learning itself as it is defined in audience costs theory,

rather than its effect.

◮ Signaling and learning are modeled as beliefs and their changes ◮ Belief-updating and audience costs are both estimated based

  • n the estimates of underlying payoffs and outcome

probabilities in international conflict data ↑ These are already done in Shuhei Kurizaki & Taehee Whang (2015) “Detecting Audience Costs in International Disputes” International Organization

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SLIDE 11

How Do We Do This? Structural Approach

◮ We measure learning itself as it is defined in audience costs theory,

rather than its effect.

◮ Signaling and learning are modeled as beliefs and their changes ◮ Belief-updating and audience costs are both estimated based

  • n the estimates of underlying payoffs and outcome

probabilities in international conflict data ↑ These are already done in Shuhei Kurizaki & Taehee Whang (2015) “Detecting Audience Costs in International Disputes” International Organization

◮ What’s left for this paper to do:

◮ We estimate prior beliefs and posterior beliefs using the

estimates of the payoffs (and audience costs)

◮ We demonstrate that audience costs improve the amount of

belief-updating

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SLIDE 12

Common Theoretical Model of Audience Costs

Resist Back Down

1 ) ( ) (

2 1 1

  • BD

u a BD u

~Challenge Status Quo

1 ) ( ) (

1 1

  • SQ

u SQ u

Stand Firm

2 1 1 1

) ( ) ( w SF u w SF u

  • Challenge

~Resist Fight ~Fight State 1 State 2 State 1 Concession

2 2 1

) ( 1 ) ( a CD u CD u

  • Definition

Audience costs for State 1 exist iff u1(BD) < u1(SQ)

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SLIDE 13

Beliefs and Belief-Updating in a Model of Audience Costs Singling and Learning (Theoretical Definition) Belief updating = S2’s posterior minus prior beliefs.

a1 S1’s audience costs

1

a

1

ˆ a

Prior beliefs (45°) Posterior beliefs (q) Belief updating ()

1

1

~ a S2’s subjective probability that S1 is resolved

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SLIDE 14

Beliefs and Belief-Updating in a Model of Audience Costs

Measuring beliefs requires estimating the payoffs in the underlying game.

◮ Prior Belief

Ex ante probability that State 1 fights Pr(SF) = Pr(u1(SF) ≥ u1(BD))

◮ Posterior Belief

Conditional probability that State 1 fights, given the challenge Pr(SF|CH) = Pr

  • u1(SF) ≥ u1(BD)

E[u1(CH)] ≥ u1(SQ)

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SLIDE 15

Statistical Model of Audience Costs in Kurizaki & Whang (2015)

Resist

Pr(RS|CH)

Back Down

1 1 1 1

1 1

) (

BD BD BD BD

X BD BD u

  • 2

2 2 2

2 2

) (

BD BD BD BD

X BD BD u

  • ~Challenge

Pr(~CH)

Status Quo

1 1 1 1

1 1

) (

SQ SQ SQ SQ

X SQ SQ u

  • Stand Firm

1 1 1 1

1 1

) (

SF SF SF SF

X SF SF u

  • 2

2 2 2

2 2

) (

SF SF SF SF

X SF SF u

  • Challenge

Pr(CH)

~Resist

Pr(~RS|CH)

Fight

Pr(F|CH)

~Fight

Pr(~F|CH)

State 1 State 2 State 1 Concession

1 1 1 1

1 1

) (

CD CD CD CD

X CD CD u

  • 2

2 2 2

2 2

) (

CD CD CD CD

X CD CD u

  • Observable payoffs: mean payoffs + unobservable noise

u1(SF) = SF1 + ǫSF1 = XSF 1βSF 1 + ǫSF1 where ǫSF1 ∼ N(0, Var(ǫSF1))

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SLIDE 16

Modeling Beliefs: Empirical Specification of Payoffs

Empirical specifications are true to those in theoretical model. War Payoff: u1(SF) = p − c1 p: Prob that State 1 wins in a war

◮ Balance of power: Capabilities ratio

c1: Cost of war

◮ Material cost: Economic development ◮ Political will to incur the cost: Democracy

Specifications of other payoffs are given in Kurizaki & Whang (2015)

◮ Concession payoffs; Status-Quo payoffs; Back-Down payoffs

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SLIDE 17

Data - Dependent Variable Coercive Diplomacy Database (Lewis, Schultz, Zucco 2012)

◮ Unit of analysis: a military challenge case, plus SQ cases ◮ 93 dyadic crisis cases ranging from 1919 to 1939 ◮ Integrate both Militarized Interstate Dispute data (MID) and

International Conflict Behavior data (ICB)

◮ N = 2187 with the addition of SQ cases

Outcome ICB MID Total SQ 2094 CD 28 16 44 BD 5 7 12 SF 33 4 37

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SLIDE 18

Estimation Results

Main Status Quo Second AC Democracy Payoff Variable Est (SE) Est (SE) Est (SE) Est (SE) u1(SQ) Constant MaxAge 0.58∗∗ (0.14) 0.36∗∗ (0.14) 0.14∗∗ (0.05) Democracy1 Alliance u1(CD) Constant −1.47 (1.11) 0.98 (0.91) 1.76 (1.90) 1.59∗∗ (0.42) Alliance −2.52 (1.37) −3.51∗∗ (1.16) −2.48∗∗ (1.04) −1.00∗∗ (0.30) CivilWar2 4.07 (2.13) 4.46∗∗ (1.45) 1.95 (1.82) 2.06∗∗ (0.60) Contiguity 1.13 (0.78) 3.16∗∗ (0.90) 1.09 (1.02) 0.99∗∗ (0.36) Democracy1 0.82∗∗ (0.19) u2(CD) Constant −0.40∗∗ (0.39) −1.40∗∗ (0.56) −1.31∗∗ (0.67) −1.43∗∗ (0.27) Alliance 0.67∗∗ (0.35) 0.48 (0.33) 0.41 (0.33) −0.07 (0.10) CivilWar2 −1.43 (0.37) 0.18 (0.21) 0.20 (0.32) −0.03 (0.07) Contiguity −0.17 (0.26) −0.37 (0.23) −0.02 (0.20) −0.11∗ (0.06) Democracy2 0.04 (0.04) u1(BD) Constant −5.98∗∗ (1.57) −4.09∗∗ (0.82) −3.65∗∗ (0.99) −4.19∗∗ (0.36) Democracy1 −0.32∗∗ (0.10) −0.41∗∗ (0.10) −0.25∗∗ (0.09) −0.67∗∗ (0.11) u2(BD) Constant u1(SF) Constant −3.33∗∗ (1.25) −4.62∗∗ (0.79) −3.48∗∗ (0.75) −3.78∗∗ (0.24) CapShare1 −1.30 (0.80) 0.95∗∗ (0.47) 0.84 (0.53) 0.69∗∗ (0.17) Democracy1 −0.09∗∗ (0.04) −0.37∗∗ (0.09) −0.19∗∗ (0.08) −0.68∗∗ (0.11) Develop1 0.10 (0.06) 0.09 (0.05) 0.06 (0.05) 0.01 (0.01) u2(SF) Constant −1.06∗∗ (0.39) −2.73∗∗ (0.79) −1.90∗∗ (0.74) −2.70∗∗ (0.33) CapShare1 0.50 (0.34) 0.61 (0.42) 0.41∗ (0.25) 1.00∗∗ (0.21) Democracy2 0.01 (0.01) 0.01 (0.01) 0.06 (0.05) 0.00 (0.00) Develop2 −0.01 (0.02) −0.02 (0.02) −0.01 (0.02) −0.01 (0.01)

∗∗p < 0.05,∗ p < 0.1 (two-tailed)

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SLIDE 19

Estimates of the Prior and Posterior Beliefs

−10 −5 5 10 0.0 0.4 0.8

Main Model

−10 −5 5 10 0.0 0.4 0.8

Status Quo Model

−10 −5 5 10 0.0 0.4 0.8

Second AC Model

−10 −5 5 10 0.0 0.4 0.8

Democracy Model

−10 −5 5 10 0.0 0.4 0.8

Sunk Cost Model

Posterior Belief, Pr(SF|CH) Prior Belief, Pr(SF) Belief Updating, Λ

− Legend −

x−Axis: Democracy Level y−Axis: Probability

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SLIDE 20

Findings: Prior Beliefs

S2’s Prior Beliefs

◮ Increasing as AC for S1

increases in 3 of 5 models

◮ Democracy Model: Concave in

AC

◮ Sunk-Cost Model: independent

  • f AC for S1

S2’s Posterior Beliefs

◮ Increasing as AC for S1

increases in all models

◮ Statistically different than full

separation

◮ Sunk-Cost Model: Posterior

increases in AC S2’s Belief Updating

◮ Learning is statistically significant ◮ Lower bounds of 95% CI don’t include

zero

◮ Who updates? Everybody ◮ Except for the least democratic

regimes (Democracy1 = −10) Effect of S1’s AC on belief-updating

◮ Learning without AC for

Democracy1 < −5

◮ Increasing as AC for S1 increase in all

models

◮ Is the effect significant?

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SLIDE 21

Estimates of the Prior and Posterior Beliefs

−10 −5 5 10 0.0 0.4 0.8

Main Model

−10 −5 5 10 0.0 0.4 0.8

Status Quo Model

−10 −5 5 10 0.0 0.4 0.8

Second AC Model

−10 −5 5 10 0.0 0.4 0.8

Democracy Model

−10 −5 5 10 0.0 0.4 0.8

Sunk Cost Model

Posterior Belief, Pr(SF|CH) Prior Belief, Pr(SF) Belief Updating, Λ

− Legend −

x−Axis: Democracy Level y−Axis: Probability

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SLIDE 22

Statistical Test of Fully-Separating Signals

Posterior belief Belief Updating

at Democracy1 = 10 at Democracy1 = −10

Models [Lower, Upper] [Lower, Upper] Main [0.589, 0.999] [0.003, 0.361] Status Quo [0.788, 0.962] [-0.066, 0.293] Second AC [0.618, 0.999] [0.040, 0.355] Democracy [0.625, 0.990] [0.000, 0.163] Sunk Cost [0.482, 0.904] [0.002, 0.142] Bootstrapped 95% Confidence Intervals of the Beliefs and Belief-Updating (Two-tail)

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SLIDE 23

Findings: Posterior Beliefs

S2’s Prior Beliefs

◮ Increasing as AC for S1

increases in 3 of 5 models

◮ Democracy Model: Concave in

AC

◮ Sunk-Cost Model: independent

  • f AC for S1

S2’s Posterior Beliefs

◮ Increasing as AC for S1

increases in all models

◮ Statistically different than full

separation

◮ Sunk-Cost Model: Posterior

increases in AC S2’s Belief Updating

◮ Learning is statistically significant ◮ Lower bounds of 95% CI don’t include

zero

◮ Who updates? Everybody ◮ Except for the least democratic

regimes (Democracy1 = −10) Effect of S1’s AC on belief-updating

◮ Learning without AC for

Democracy1 < −5

◮ Increasing as AC for S1 increase in all

models

◮ Is the effect significant?

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SLIDE 24

Estimates of the Prior and Posterior Beliefs

−10 −5 5 10 0.0 0.4 0.8

Main Model

−10 −5 5 10 0.0 0.4 0.8

Status Quo Model

−10 −5 5 10 0.0 0.4 0.8

Second AC Model

−10 −5 5 10 0.0 0.4 0.8

Democracy Model

−10 −5 5 10 0.0 0.4 0.8

Sunk Cost Model

Posterior Belief, Pr(SF|CH) Prior Belief, Pr(SF) Belief Updating, Λ

− Legend −

x−Axis: Democracy Level y−Axis: Probability

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SLIDE 25

Statistical Significance of Belief-Updating

Posterior belief Belief Updating

at Democracy1 = 10 at Democracy1 = −10

Models [Lower, Upper] [Lower, Upper] Main [0.589, 0.999] [0.003, 0.361] Status Quo [0.788, 0.962] [-0.066, 0.293] Second AC [0.618, 0.999] [0.040, 0.355] Democracy [0.625, 0.990] [0.000, 0.163] Sunk Cost [0.482, 0.904] [0.002, 0.142] Bootstrapped 95% Confidence Intervals of the Beliefs and Belief-Updating (Two-tail)

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SLIDE 26

Findings: Belief-Updating

S2’s Prior Beliefs

◮ Increasing as AC for S1

increases in 3 of 5 models

◮ Democracy Model: Concave in

AC

◮ Sunk-Cost Model: independent

  • f AC for S1

S2’s Posterior Beliefs

◮ Increasing as AC for S1

increases in all models

◮ Statistically different than full

separation

◮ Sunk-Cost Model: Posterior

increases in AC S2’s Belief Updating

◮ Learning is statistically significant ◮ Lower bounds of 95% CI don’t include

zero

◮ Who updates? Everybody ◮ Except for the least democratic

regimes (Democracy1 = −10) Effect of S1’s AC on belief-updating

◮ Learning without AC for

Democracy1 < −5

◮ Increasing as AC for S1 increase in all

models

◮ Is the effect significant?

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SLIDE 27

Estimates of the Prior and Posterior Beliefs

−10 −5 5 10 0.0 0.4 0.8

Main Model

−10 −5 5 10 0.0 0.4 0.8

Status Quo Model

−10 −5 5 10 0.0 0.4 0.8

Second AC Model

−10 −5 5 10 0.0 0.4 0.8

Democracy Model

−10 −5 5 10 0.0 0.4 0.8

Sunk Cost Model

Posterior Belief, Pr(SF|CH) Prior Belief, Pr(SF) Belief Updating, Λ

− Legend −

x−Axis: Democracy Level y−Axis: Probability

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SLIDE 28

Findings: Effect of AC on Belief-Updating

S2’s Prior Beliefs

◮ Increasing as AC for S1

increases in 3 of 5 models

◮ Democracy Model: Concave in

AC

◮ Sunk-Cost Model: independent

  • f AC for S1

S2’s Posterior Beliefs

◮ Increasing as AC for S1

increases in all models

◮ Statistically different than full

separation

◮ Sunk-Cost Model: Posterior

increases in AC S2’s Belief Updating

◮ Learning is statistically significant ◮ Lower bounds of 95% CI don’t include

zero

◮ Who updates? Everybody ◮ Except for the least democratic

regimes (Democracy1 = −10) Effect of S1’s AC on belief-updating

◮ Learning without AC for

Democracy1 < −5

◮ Increasing as AC for S1 increase in all

models

◮ Is the effect significant?

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SLIDE 29

Findings: Effect of AC on Belief-Updating

S2’s Prior Beliefs

◮ Increasing as AC for S1

increases in 3 of 5 models

◮ Democracy Model: Concave in

AC

◮ Sunk-Cost Model: independent

  • f AC for S1

S2’s Posterior Beliefs

◮ Increasing as AC for S1

increases in all models

◮ Statistically different than full

separation

◮ Sunk-Cost Model: Posterior

increases in AC S2’s Belief Updating

◮ Learning is statistically significant ◮ Lower bounds of 95% CI don’t include

zero

◮ Who updates? Everybody ◮ Except for the least democratic

regimes (Democracy1 = −10) Effect of S1’s AC on belief-updating

◮ Learning without AC for

Democracy1 < −5

◮ Increasing as AC for S1 increase in all

models

◮ Is the effect significant?

Need to regress the amount of updating with Democracy1

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SLIDE 30

Illustrating the Effects of AC on Belief-Updating

  • Prior

Posterior 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0

  • Main Model

Democracy, +0.224 Non−Democracy, +0.182

  • Prior

Posterior 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0

  • Status Quo Model

Democracy, +0.324 Non−Democracy, +0.114

  • Prior

Posterior 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0

  • Second AC Model

Democracy, +0.178 Non−Democracy, +0.197

  • Prior

Posterior 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0

  • Democracy Model

Democracy, +0.245 Non−Democracy, +0.082

  • Prior

Posterior 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0

  • Sunk Cost Model

Democracy, +0.096 Non−Democracy, +0.070

Non−Democracy (Democracy1=−10) Democracy (Democracy1=10)

− Legend −

y−Axis: Probability

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SLIDE 31

Implications

The results substantiate the causal mechanism of audience costs model

◮ “Audience costs improve crisis communication through signals”

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SLIDE 32

Implications

The results substantiate the causal mechanism of audience costs model

◮ “Audience costs improve crisis communication through signals”

Results allow us to test why democracies can reveal information

  • 1. Transparency of democratic processes reveals government’s

intentions apart from conflict processes → Common Priors

◮ Bueno de Mesquita & Lalman (1992)

  • 2. Audience costs improve government’s ability to reveal intentions

through conflict behavior → Belief Updating

◮ Fearon (1994), Schultz (1999)

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SLIDE 33

Do Democracies Inform or Constrain, and How?

“Do Democratic Institutions Inform or Constrain?” (Schultz 1999 IO)

Democratic Peace Institutional constraints Democratic Advantage Democratic Prudence Informational effects Democratic Institutions

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SLIDE 34

Do Democracies Inform or Constrain, and How?

“Do Democratic Institutions Inform or Constrain?” (Schultz 1999 IO)

Democratic Peace Institutional constraints Democratic Advantage Democratic Prudence Informational effects Democratic Institutions

This Paper! How do Democratic Institutions Inform?

Democratic Institutions Institutional constraints Democratic Advantage Signaling via audience costs Transparency Information revelation Schultz (1999 IO)

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SLIDE 35

Hypotheses on the Informational Effects of Democratic Institutions

Two Mechanisms for Informational Effects of Democratic Institutions Signaling and Learning Institutional Transparency (Fearon 1994, Schultz 1999) (Bueno de Mesquita and Lalman 1992) S2’s Resistance∗ − − Prior Belief + + Posterior Belief + + Belief Updating +

◮ Existing research design suffers from observational equivalence (*) ◮ Hypotheses on the effect of democracy on beliefs avoid this problem

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SLIDE 36

Hypotheses on the Informational Effects of Democratic Institutions

◮ Existing research design suffers from observational equivalence (*) ◮ Hypotheses on the effect of democracy on beliefs avoid this problem

Two Mechanisms for Informational Effects of Democratic Institutions Signaling and Learning Institutional Transparency (Fearon 1994, Schultz 1999) (Bueno de Mesquita and Lalman 1992) S2’s Resistance∗ − − Prior Belief + + Posterior Belief + + Belief Updating +

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SLIDE 37

Testing the “Institutional Transparency” Mechanism

Least Most Effect of Democratic Democratic Democracy (Democracy1 = −10) (Democracy1 = 10)

Prior belief

40% 53% +13%

Posterior belief

60% 85% +25%

Belief updating

+20% +32% +12%

Effect of Transparency How common prior changes as S1 becomes more democratic

◮ 53% − 40% = 13% increase

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SLIDE 38

Belief-Updating without Audience Costs

Least Most Effect of Democratic Democratic Democracy (Democracy1 = −10) (Democracy1 = 10)

Prior belief

40% 53% +13%

Posterior belief

60% 85% +25%

Belief updating

+20% +32% +12%

Effect of “Democratic” Signaling Signaling with AC

◮ 32% − 20% = 12% increase

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SLIDE 39

Testing the Informational Effects of Democracy

Least Most Effect of Democratic Democratic Democracy (Democracy1 = −10) (Democracy1 = 10)

Prior belief

40% 53% +13%

Posterior belief

60% 85% +25%

Belief updating

+20% +32% +12%

Effects of a Threat

◮ 60% − 40% = 20% increase (Effect of Signaling w/out AC) ◮ 85% − 53% = 32% increase (Effect of Signaling w/out AC)

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SLIDE 40

Robustness Check and Illustration

  • Least democratic

Most democratic 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6

  • Main Model

Transparency, +0.047 Signaling, +0.043

  • Least democratic

Most democratic 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6

  • Status Quo Model

Transparency, +0.145 Signaling, +0.210

  • Least democratic

Most democratic 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6

  • Second AC Model

Transparency, +0.138 Signaling, −0.019

  • Least democratic

Most democratic 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6

  • Democracy Model

Transparency, −0.048 Signaling, +0.164

  • Least democratic

Most democratic 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6

  • Sunk Cost Model

Transparency, 0 Signaling, +0.025

Signaling (Belief−updating) Transparency (Prior belief)

− Legend −

y−Axis: Increase in Probability

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SLIDE 41

Conclusion

  • 1. We find that audience costs do enhance learning in crises.

◮ We estimated audience costs ◮ We estimated belief-updating ◮ Then, we show that belief-updating is statistically significant

and increasing in audience costs

  • 2. We distinguish and test two mechanisms of informational

effects of democratic institutions in crises.

◮ We find evidence consistent both with the “signaling and

learning” mechanism and the “institutional transparency” mechanism

◮ We also find evidence against the “institutional transparency”

mechanism

slide-42
SLIDE 42

Appendix

slide-43
SLIDE 43

Empirical Strategy: Intuition

◮ Theory: mapping from preferences to outcomes.

Preference relations Choices & Outcomes Equilibrium Deduction Given by assumption

◮ Empirics: mapping from outcomes to preferences.

Preference relations Choices & Outcomes Statistical Equilibrium Estimation Given by data

◮ We ask: “given the observation of outcomes, what prefenreces make

these observed outcomes most likely according to the PBE?”

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SLIDE 44

Statistical Model of Audience Costs

Estimation 1 of 2

ln L =

N

  • i=1

[YSQi ln PSQi + YCDi ln PCDi + YBDi ln PBDi + YSFi ln PSFi] ,

◮ We estimate a log-likelihood function of equilibrium outcome

probabilities, covariates, payoff specification

◮ Maximization of ln L yields the vector of MLE of β’s.

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SLIDE 45

Statistical Model of Audience Costs

Estimation 2 of 2

◮ Estimate var-cov matrix to estimate belief updating correctly

◮ Identification ◮ Seven additional parameters

◮ Correct estimation of belief updating ◮ Previous models as special cases (Lewis and Schultz 2003;

Wand 2006; Signorino and Whang 2009)

slide-46
SLIDE 46

Testing Conjecture about Association with Democracy Audience costs ∝ democracy Audience costs of some form exist: u1(BD) < u1(SQ).

slide-47
SLIDE 47

Testing Conjecture about Association with Democracy Outcomes Payoffs Variables Est. (SE) Status Quo SQ1 Constant MaxAge 0.575** 0.135 Back Down BD1 Constant

  • 4.09**

0.820 Democracy 1

  • 0.411**

0.104 ∗∗ = p < .01, ∗ = p < .05 (two-tailed)

◮ Fearon’s conjecture is confirmed

◮ First evidence that audience costs increase with democracy

score

◮ Support for existing applied work that attributes democratic

uniqueness to audience costs.

slide-48
SLIDE 48

A note on the signaling value of audience costs

In the Sunk Cost model, the coefficient on Democracy1 is positive and

  • significant. This also indicates the signaling value of audience costs.

◮ Recall audience costs ∝ democracy. Thus, this result indicates the

states with higher audience costs are less likely to issue a threat.

◮ The signaling value of audience costs stems not only from the

hand-tying effects but also from the fact that leaders with higher audience costs would be unwilling to make an explicit threat (due to

  • ther kinds of costs associated with a public commitment).