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Acoustic Cues Used by Learners of English Danica Reid Phonological Processing Lab Simon Fraser University Background Speech Segmentation Cues Top-down Pragmatics Top-down Syntactic structure Semantics Bottom-up Incoming


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SLIDE 1

Acoustic Cues Used by Learners of English

Danica Reid Phonological Processing Lab Simon Fraser University

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SLIDE 2

Background

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SLIDE 3

Speech Segmentation Cues

  • Top-down
  • Pragmatics
  • Syntactic structure
  • Semantics
  • Bottom-up
  • Metrical prosody
  • Phonotactic constraints
  • Transitional Probabilities
  • Allophonic processes
  • Fine-grained phonetic cues
  • In L2 acquisition learners try to adapt L1 bottom-up cues into the L2

Top-down Bottom-up

Incoming speech signal

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SLIDE 4

Segmentation of English sC clusters

  • Cross-boundary clusters
  • [ðɪskheɪl] - ‘this kale’
  • Shorter /s/-duration
  • Environment for allophonic

aspiration

  • Word-initial clusters
  • [ðɪsːkeɪl] - ‘this scale’
  • Longer /s/-duration
  • No environment for allophonic

aspiration Input: [ð] [ɪ] candidates:

that then these they this … this thither that thus then …

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SLIDE 5

Segmentation of English sC clusters

  • Cross-boundary clusters
  • [ðɪskheɪl] - ‘this kale’
  • Shorter /s/-duration
  • Environment for allophonic

aspiration

  • Word-initial clusters
  • [ðɪsːkeɪl] - ‘this scale’
  • Longer /s/-duration
  • No environment for allophonic

aspiration Input: [ð] [ɪ] [s] candidates:

that then these they this … this thither that thus then … this sand soap sign stop school …

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SLIDE 6

Segmentation of English sC clusters

  • Cross-boundary clusters
  • [ðɪskheɪl] - ‘this kale’
  • Shorter /s/-duration
  • Environment for allophonic

aspiration

  • Word-initial clusters
  • [ðɪsːkeɪl] - ‘this scale’
  • Longer /s/-duration
  • No environment for allophonic

aspiration Input: [ð] [ɪ] [s] [kh] candidates:

that then these they this … this thither that thus then … this sand soap sign stop school … cat kale could soap stop …

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SLIDE 7

Segmentation of English sC clusters

  • Cross-boundary clusters
  • [ðɪskheɪl] - ‘this kale’
  • Shorter /s/-duration
  • Environment for allophonic

aspiration

  • Word-initial clusters
  • [ðɪsːkeɪl] - ‘this scale’
  • Longer /s/-duration
  • No environment for allophonic

aspiration Input: [ð] [ɪ] [s] [kh] [eɪ] [l] candidates:

that then these they this … this thither that thus then … this sand soap sign stop school … cat kale could soap stop … kale cable cane could cat … kale cable cane …

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SLIDE 8

L2 segmentation of sC clusters

  • Cue adaptation leads to better L2 segmentation than cue learning

(Altenberg, 2005; Ito & Strange, 2009; Shoemaker, 2014)

Cross-boundary: Loose pills Word-initial: Lou spills

aspiration contrast no aspiration contrast

 

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SLIDE 9

Current Study

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SLIDE 10

Research Questions

  • Using measures of online processing, in what way do the

phonological properties of a first language influence segmentation abilities in a second language?

  • How is a phonemic contrast not used for word boundary

identification adapted as a word boundary cue in a second language?

  • How do learners acquire new word boundary cues in a second

language?

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SLIDE 11

Languages of Interest

  • Mandarin
  • Phonemic aspiration
  • Duration is not a systematic

boundary cue

  • No possible word-initial or cross-

boundary sC clusters

  • Phonemic → allophonic

Aspirated stop: [pha]51 ‘to fear’ Unaspirated stop: [pa]51 ‘father’

  • French
  • No systematic aspiration
  • Some level of duration cue used in

word-boundary segmentation

  • Both word-initial and cross-

boundary sC clusters are possible

  • No contrast → allophonic

Word-initial: [spɔrtif] ‘athletic’ Cross-boundary: [sis pjɛs] ‘six pieces’

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SLIDE 12

Procedure

  • Proficiency task
  • Results not reported in this talk
  • Production task
  • Familiarize participants with word-

picture pairings

  • Collect acoustic data to compare

to perception

  • Eye-tracking task
  • Used the visual world paradigm
  • Heard words presented in the

frame “click on this”

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SLIDE 13

Eye-tracking in the visual world paradigm

  • Participants hear spoken language and manipulate objects in a visual world
  • Visual world includes a set of object with interesting linguistic properties
  • Eye-movements to each object are monitored throughout the task

this kale a rose a moose this scale

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SLIDE 14

Why use eye-movements and the visual world paradigm?

  • Relatively natural task
  • Eye movements generated very fast (within 200ms of stimulus onset)
  • Eye movements time-locked to speech
  • Subjects are not aware of eye movements
  • Fixation probability maps onto lexical activation
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SLIDE 15
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SLIDE 16

Eye-movement analysis

  • Target: this scale
  • Competitor: this kale
  • Filler: a rose
  • Filler: a moose

200 ms

1 2 3 4 5

Trials Time

% fixations

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SLIDE 17

Experimental Design

  • Auditory Stimuli
  • Balanced for frequency
  • 10 table/stable pairs per place of

articulation

  • 60 phonologically unrelated filler

items

  • Participants
  • 21 native English speakers
  • 20 native Mandarin speakers
  • 7 native French speakers

50 100 150 200 250 300

word-initial cross-boundary Duration (ms)

Auditory Stimuli Average Durations

/ɪ/ duration /s/ duration VOT duration

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SLIDE 18

Results

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SLIDE 19

Production

100 200 Time (ms)

/s/ duration

50 100 Time (ms)

VOT duration

50 100 Time (ms)

/ɪ/ duration

Word-initial Word-initial Word-initial Cross-boundary Cross-boundary Cross-boundary English Mandarin French

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SLIDE 20

Accuracy

0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1

Native English Native Mandarin Native French Accuracy

Accuracy by Cluster Type

* Cross-boundary Word-initial

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SLIDE 21

Perception - maximum proportion of fixations

0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1

  • 750

750 1500 2250

Proportion of Fixations Time (ms) where 0 is onset of /s/

Target Fixations

0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1

  • 750

750 1500 2250

Proportion of Fixations Time (ms) where 0 is onset of /s/

Competitor Fixations

English Mandarin French

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SLIDE 22

Perception - slope of fixations

0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1

  • 750

750 1500 2250

Proportion of Fixations Time (ms) where 0 is onset of /s/

Target Fixations

0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1

  • 750

750 1500 2250

Proportion of Fixations Time (ms) where 0 is onset of /s/

Competitor Fixations

English Mandarin French

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SLIDE 23

Perception - slope of fixations by language

0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5

  • 750

750 1500 2250

Proportion of fixations Time (ms) where 0 is onset of /s/

English

0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5

  • 750

750 1500 2250

Proportion of fixations Time (ms) where 0 is onset of /s/

Mandarin

0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5

  • 750

750 1500 2250

Proportion of fixations Time (ms) where 0 is onset of /s/

French

Cross-boundary Word-initial

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SLIDE 24

Perception - crossover point of fixations

0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1

  • 750

750 1500 2250

Proportion of Fixations Time (ms) where 0 is onset of /s/

English

0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1

  • 750

750 1500 2250

Proportion of Fixations Time (ms) where 0 is onset of /s/

Mandarin

0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1

  • 750

750 1500 2250

Proportion of Fixations Time (ms) where 0 is onset of /s/

French

615ms 615ms 657ms

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SLIDE 25

Perception - midpoint of competitor fixations

0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5

  • 750

750 1500 2250

Proportion of fixations Time (ms) where 0 is onset of /s/

English

0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5

  • 750

750 1500 2250

Proportion of fixations Time (ms) where 0 is onset of /s/

Mandarin

0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5

  • 750

750 1500 2250

Proportion of fixations Time (ms) where 0 is onset of /s/

French

Cross-boundary Word-initial

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SLIDE 26

Conclusions

  • The presence or absence of an aspiration contrast did not seem to

strongly influence real-time processing

  • Non-native English speakers more unsure over the course of a trial
  • Overall having aspiration as a native contrast did not affect processing

as much as predicted

  • Future directions:
  • Run more native French speakers
  • A follow up study that would manipulate /s/ duration and VOT duration to

determine which cues are being used during processing

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SLIDE 27

Selected References

Allopenna, P., Magnuson, J., & Tanenhaus, M. (1998). Tracking the time course of spoken word recognition using eye movements: evidence for continuous mapping models. Journal of Memory and Language, 38, 419-439. Altenberg, E. (2005). The perception of word boundaries in a second language. Second Language Research, 21(4), 325-358. Duanmu, S. (2000). The Phonology of Standard Chinese. New York: Oxford University Press. Ito, K. & Strange, W. Perception of allophonic cues to English word boundaries by Japanese second language learners of English. The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America, 125(4), 2348-2360. Mattys, S., White, L., & Melhorn, J. (2005). Integration of multiple speech segmentation cues: A hierarchical framework. Journal of Experimental Psychology, 134(4), 477-500. Shoemaker, E. (2014). The exploitation of subphonemic acoustic detail in L2 speech

  • segmentation. Studies in Second Language Acquisition, 36(4), 709-731.

Walker, D. (2001). French Sound Structure. Calgary: University of Calgary Press.