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Mobility of workers, regional disparities, and immigration policy - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

Introduction Model structure Welfare impact Impact on Policy Mobility of natives Mobility of workers, regional disparities, and immigration policy Joachim Jarreau (AMSE) and Giovanni Facchini (Nottingham) FERDI - January 24th, 2013


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Introduction Model structure Welfare impact Impact on Policy Mobility of natives

Mobility of workers, regional disparities, and immigration policy

Joachim Jarreau (AMSE) and Giovanni Facchini (Nottingham) FERDI - January 24th, 2013

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Introduction Model structure Welfare impact Impact on Policy Mobility of natives

Immigration and imperfect mobility

The standard framework in the literature on immigration: one integrated labor market - perfect mobility of workers. ❼ Workhorse model: one-region economy with 2 complementary factors (Borjas, 1995) ❼ More complex models: more factors (Ottaviano Peri, 2008, 2012); different tasks (Peri Sparber, 2009), but still one regional market. ❼ Empirical studies: the factor proportion approach sees immigration as a shock to factor inputs at the global (country) level. → Most of the literature adopts a one-region approach.

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Why (imperfect) mobility matters

❼ Host countries are fragmented economies: regional wage disparities persist, i.e. workers are not perfectly mobile ❼ Foreign workers take this into account, when choosing where to settle or re-settle → modifies the impact of immigration on wages, welfare and immigration policy. ❼ Differences in workers’ mobility across host countries: e.g. US workers are more mobile than EU workers. → workers’ mobility smoothes regional cycles more in the US (Blachard and Katz, 1992; Decressin and Fatas 1995).

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Objectives of this paper

Address 3 questions: ❼ Is the impact of immigration different in a country with low mobility, high fragmentation? ❼ Do natives benefit more, or less, from immigration then? ❼ Do they vote for more or less immigration?

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This paper’s approach

Build a 2-region, 2-factor model of the host economy with imperfect mobility of workers between regions → Idiosyncratic costs of moving across regions Focus on unskilled migration: the contentious issue in host countries. ❼ Immigration impact on natives’ welfare and wages: how does it vary with natives/foreigners’ mobility? ❼ Political equilibrium: consider a quota on entries. How does it depend on mobility / on regional disparities

❼ in a referendum ❼ in a process with political support groups

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Introduction Model structure Welfare impact Impact on Policy Mobility of natives

Main results

❼ Foreign workers’ mobility increases the net Welfare gain to natives

❼ the gain accrues to skilled workers (the complementary factor).

Unskilled labor loses more.

❼ so mobility increases the polarization of immigration impacts.

❼ In a referendum, the admissible quota ˆ I increases with immigrants’ mobility → voters in the less attractive region have more weight ❼ It is reversed if policy is shaped by support groups bidding for influence.

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Introduction Model structure Welfare impact Impact on Policy Mobility of natives

Literature

❼ Theo. studies on labor market adjustment to immigration: through wages

(Borjas, 2003), employment (d’Amuri et al., 2010), tasks (Peri and Sparber, 2009): all consider an integrated labor market. Empirical studies: endogeneity of immigrants’ location choices well identified since Altonji and Card, 1989. But the “factor proportions approach” ignores frictions across local markets (Borjas and Katz 2007, Ottaviano and Peri 2012).

❼ Political economy of immigration policy: building on a Grossman and

Helpman (1994) framework , as in Facchini and Willmann (2005).

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Introduction Model structure Welfare impact Impact on Policy Mobility of natives

Literature

❼ Immigration policy in a median voter framework: as in Benhabib (1996),

but focusing on a quota, not on selection.

❼ How does a referendum work in a multi-region country? → impact of

polarization on the policy: regions most impacted by a policy have less influence on the decision. Related to Meltzer and Richard (1981)’s result on inequality and government spending.

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The model

❼ 2 regions, A and B ❼ 2 factors: unskilled and skilled labor - producing one good (price 1). In each region i, production function yi = θif (¯ hi) , ¯ hi = Hi/(Ni + Ii). Standard conditions on f: f ′(¯ hi) > 0,f ′′(¯ hi) < 0. θi: total factor productivity. Regional gap: assume θA = 1 + ǫ, θB = 1 − ǫ ❼ Linear utility.

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Human capital distribution

❼ Native workers differ by their human capital (or skill) level h. ❼ Native population N initially split equally across regions. Same distribution G(h) in both populations. ❼ Human capital stock in each region: H =

  • h h.dG(h)

Native with human capital h in region i earns an income: Ri(h) = wi + h.ri

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Immigration policy

The government can choose to restrict inflows of foreign workers to a level I. Restrictions have a per-capita cost: c(Imax − I), shared equally among natives. ❼ c′ > 0, c′′ > 0 ❼ c′(Imax) “very high”: blocking entries to 0 is prohibitively costly. ❼ depends on country-level immigration I. Quota chosen by natives. Immigrants do not vote.

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Location choices: a Hotelling type model for imperfect mobility

Workers have varying preferences for living in A or B (family links, networks, specific information about jobs...) Each individual draws D, uniform on [0, 1] : represents the relative preference for region A. Settlement costs: in A: γD in B: γ(1 − D) Worker i’s utility: in A: ui = wA − γDi in B: ui = wB − γ(1 − Di) γ: an inverse measure of workers’ spatial mobility.

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Location choices

Cost of settling in A / in B

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Introduction Model structure Welfare impact Impact on Policy Mobility of natives

Location choices

Location choices: case with WA > WB uA(D) = wA − γD uB(D) = wB − γ(1 − D)

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Spatial equilibrium

First case: natives are not mobile (equally split across both regions). Threshold value D: foreign worker indifferent between settling in either region: wA − γ.D = wB − γ(1 − D) Wage levels are given by: wA = (1 + ǫ).

  • wN − 2µi(D − 1/2)
  • wB

= (1 − ǫ).

  • wN + 2µi(D − 1/2)
  • wN: benchmark wage level (for θA = θB = 1).

µ: wage/labor elasticity i immigration ratio, i =

I N+I

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Spatial equilibrium

Solving yields the wage gap and mobility rate at equilibrium: D = 1/2 + ǫwN γ + µwNi ∆w = 2ǫwN 1 + µ wN

γ i

❼ Polarization of foreign-born workers increases with the productivity differential ǫ, the spatial flexibility of immigrants 1/γ, decreases with the wage elasticity µ. ❼ The wage gap is higher when immigrants are less flexible.

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Introduction Model structure Welfare impact Impact on Policy Mobility of natives

Welfare impact of mobility

Native welfare in each region: W A

N = ¯

W + (1 + ǫ)µ wN N + I

  • (D − 1/2).I

2 W B

N = ¯

W − (1 − ǫ)µ wN N + I

  • (D − 1/2).I

2 Immigration yields a surplus to natives, quadratic in the number of new workers entering the market (Borjas, 1995). Total native welfare: WN = 2 ¯ W + 2ǫµ wN N + I

  • (D − 1/2).I

2 ⇒ WN is increasing in D − 1/2, the foreigners’ polarization: there is a mobility surplus.

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Immigration surplus

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Welfare impact of mobility

Two effects behind this surplus: ❼ efficiency: higher mobility ⇒ foreign workers go to the high-productivity region A - increases total GDP and natives’ share. ❼ surplus sharing: the welfare gain in each region is quadratic in immigration DI ((1 − D)I). Skilled workers gain more when immigrants concentrate in one region, where the impact on wages is larger. Note: the mobility surplus is captured by owners of the complementary factor (skilled workers) in the rich region A.

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Gain polarization

Average welfare level of native with skill h: W (h) = ¯ w + h¯ r = wN + hrN + µǫ2 γ/wN + µi h ¯ h − 1

  • i
  • mobility gain/loss

−c(Imax − I) ⇒ skilled workers gain more from immigration, unskilled workers lose more when foreign workers are more mobile across regions. In addition, skilled workers in region A capture more of the gains; unskilled workers in A face larger wage losses.

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Immigration policy

First case: referendum on I Each voter with human capital h has a preferred immigration level, solution of: Max

ˆ I

wj(ˆ I) + h.rj(ˆ I) − c(Imax − ˆ I) ❼ Skewed distribution of capital ⇒ median voter is unskilled (hm < ¯ h). ❼ Voters in A are more adverse to immigration (wages more impacted) → 2 pivotal voters hA

m, hB m, with hA m > hB m :

¯ h − hA

m

¯ h − hB

m

= (1 − ǫ)(1 − D) (1 + ǫ)D

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Pivotal voters

R′

A(I) = ∂wA

∂I + h.∂rA ∂I R′

B(I) = ∂wB

∂I + h.∂rB ∂I

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Pivotal voters

Coalitions of voters: ❼ a majority in A + a minority in B wanting less Immig. ❼ a minority in A + a majority in B wanting more Immig.

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Impact of mobility

With a more mobile foreign workforce: polarization of the wage effects ❼ unskilled workers in A become more adverse, in B more open to I. ❼ overall impact:

∂ˆ I ∂γ < 0, ∂ˆ I ∂ǫ > 0 : quota ˆ

I increases with mobility, regional gap.

Conditions: G ′(hB

m)

G ′(hA

m) > (1 − ǫ)(1 − D)2

(1 + ǫ)D2 G ′(hB

m)

G ′(hA

m) > 1 − ǫ

1 + ǫ (1 − D) D 1 +

ǫ 1+ǫ D 1−D + ǫ 1−ǫ

These conditions hold for a log-normal distribution G(h) and small values of ǫ.

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Impact of mobility

Displacement of pivotal workers when γ ց (mobility ր)

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Introduction Model structure Welfare impact Impact on Policy Mobility of natives

Impact of mobility

Intuition: polarization of the wage impacts ⇒ unskilled workers in rich region A are marginalized: they are too far away from the pivotal voter → Even if the median voters are unskilled workers, immigrants’ mobility increases the quota level, bringing policy closer to skilled workers’

  • ptimum

A referendum leads to a policy in line with natives’ global welfare, but contrary to unskilled workers’ interests.

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The case with lobby groups

Political groups (business and labor) influence immigration policy (Hanson, 2010; Facchini, Mayda and Mishra 2011). What if interest groups in each region bid for protection from the impacts

  • f immigration on wages?

Take: ❼ A framework as in “Protection for Sale” (Grossman and Helpman, 1994) ❼ to keep it simple: assume only unskilled labor is organized in political groups

Observed restrictions consistent with unskilled labor having more weight in the policy choice

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The political game

Each group in region i = A, B proposes a contribution schedule to the government so as to maximize welfare net of contributions: Max

I

Wi − Ci(I) ⇒ C ′

i (I) = NU

∂wi(I) ∂I The government’s objective function: Max

I

a [CA(I) + CB(I)] + (N/2).

  • wA + rA.¯

hN

A − c(Imax − I)

  • +
  • wB + rB.¯

hN

B − c(Imax − I)

  • hN

A , hN A : average human capital level of natives in region A, B

a : relative weight of lobbies’ contributions.

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Solution of the political game

Solution to the gov’t program ˆ I is defined by: −α (1 + ǫ)[aNU − Dˆ I]D

  • mg. impact on wA

− α (1 − ǫ)

  • aNU − (1 − D)ˆ

I

  • (1 − D)
  • mg. impact on wB

= – (aNU + N)c′(Imax − ˆ I)

  • mg. cost of restrictions

One obtains the result: The equilibrium quota level ˆ I decreases with workers’ mobility 1/γ and with the inter-regional productivity gap ǫ.

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Solution of the political game

Intuition: Immigration I has a bigger impact on wages in region A. Thus A’s contribution schedule is steeper. When mobility increases:

∂CA(I) ∂I

↑ , ∂CB(I)

∂I

↓ (in abs. value) ; the effect on CA(I) is larger. i.e. opposition to I grows more in A than it decreases in B. This time, polarization gives those most negatively impacted (unskilled workers in A) more influence on policy.

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Adding natives’ mobility

2 reasons to add natives’ mobility to the picture: ❼ Potential substitution between immigrants and natives mobility (saving mobility costs) ❼ We would like to compare countries by relative mobility, γN/γI Note: whether γN > γI depends on context (Schuendeln 2007, Boman 2011).

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Changes in the modeling

Take a simple distribution of factor ownership among natives: ❼ NU unskilled workers ❼ NS skilled workers Like immigrants, natives draw a value of D, uniformly distributed on [0, 1]. 2 threshold values, DU and DS, defined by: w A

U − γNDU

= w B

U − γN(1 − DU)

w A

S − γNDS

= w B

S − γN(1 − DS)

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Internal migration equilibrium

Equilibrium is solution of: γN(2DS − 1) = ∆wS γN(2DU − 1) = ∆wU γI(2DI − 1) = ∆wU with labor demand equations: ∆wU = 2ǫw N

U + β.(2DS − 1)NS − α

  • (2DI − 1)I + (2DU − 1)NU
  • ∆wS

= 2ǫw N

S + β

  • (2DI − 1)I + (2DU − 1)NU
  • − δ.(2DS − 1)NS

α, β, δ second derivatives of production function F: α = − ∂2F ∂U2 , β = ∂2F ∂U∂S , δ = − ∂2F ∂S2

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Internal migration equilibrium

Defining the mobility ratio m = γN

γI , one shows that:

∂(∆wU) ∂m < 0 ∂(∆wS) ∂m > 0∂DU ∂m < 0 (1) More mobile immigrants (relatively): ❼ reduce the unskilled wage gap, and unskilled natives’ migration ❼ increase the skilled wage gap.

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Welfare impact of mobility

One more term in natives’ welfare: mobility costs. WU = DUwA + (1 − DU)wB

  • income

− γN 2

  • D2

U + (1 − DU)2

  • mobility costs

(2) But the impact of immigrants’ mobility on WU remains negative, as before: ❼ an increases in m decreases average unskilled wages ❼ but reduces mobility costs incurred by them. The net welfare effect is negative.

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Welfare impact: skilled workers

Symmetrically: immigrants’ mobility ❼ increases average skilled wages ❼ increases mobility costs for skilled workers. The net welfare effect is positive.

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Political equilibrium

❼ Consider the case with political influence groups ❼ Assume native workers are represented by the group of their region

  • f residence

Results from the first part are valid, i.e.: ❼ an increase in relative mobility of immigrants m reduces the chosen quota level ˆ I ❼ an increase in regional gap ǫ has the same effect.

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Summary of results

How is the immigration impact on wages, welfare, and immigration policy modified by the regional fragmentation of the host economy? ❼ the wage impact of immigration is more polarized in a fragmented economy ❼ the net welfare impact is positive, benefiting skilled workers but hurting substitutable (unskilled) workers ❼ when workers’ groups shape immigration policy, restrictions will increase with fragmentation.