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Examining the Causal Relationship between Educational Experience and Criminal Conviction Using Linked Data Susan McVie School of Law University of Edinburgh 1 I t must be evident to those who have been in the practice of observing children


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Examining the Causal Relationship between Educational Experience and Criminal Conviction Using Linked Data

Susan McVie School of Law University of Edinburgh

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“It must be evident to those who have been in the practice of observing children with attention, that much of good or evil is taught to or acquired by a child at a very early period

  • f its life” (Robert Owen, 1816)
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Strong links between positive educational experience and offending

  • Educational attainment increases the chances of legitimate work,

improves income levels, thus reducing likelihood of offending (Lochner 2004)

  • Greater time spent in education reduces time available for participation in

criminal activity (Machin et al 2011)

  • Commitment to education influences crime through its effect on patience

and risk aversion (Oreopoulos 2007)

  • Early development of non-cognitive skills (e.g. motivation and social

adjustment) impacts more on later offending than cognitive skills (Reynolds et al 2010)

  • Education in prison reduces recidivism and increases post-release earnings

(Steurer and Smith, 2003)

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Strong links between truancy, school exclusion and offending

  • School exclusion increases the likelihood of arrest (Monahan et al 2014),

the probability of early school drop out and involvement in the criminal justice system in the US (Losen & Gillespie, 2012)

  • UK research also shows very poor outcomes for those excluded from

school including significant risk of offending (Powis et al 1998, Berridge et al 2001, Spencer and Scott 2013)

  • Studies have consistently concluded (for both males and females) that the
  • dds of offending for truants is greater by a factor of 3+ compared to

non-truants (Arthur 2015)

  • Scottish research has shown that truancy and school exclusion are two of

the primary factors that predict chronic criminal conviction trajectories and early imprisonment (McAra and McVie 2010).

  • Increasing evidence of a ‘school-to-prison’ pipeline (Krezmien et al 2014)
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Number of people aged under 18 referred to the CHS on offence grounds, 2004/5 to 2013/14

2000 4000 6000 8000 10000 12000 14000 16000 18000 20000 2004/5 2005/6 2006/7 2007/8 2008/9 2009/10 2010/11 2011/12 2012/13 2013/14

School leavers attaining one or more qualifications at SCQF Level 6 or above, 2004/05 to 2013/14

What do trends and patterns in offending, attainment, exclusion and truancy tell us?

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Rate of school exclusions per 1000 pupils, 2004/5 to 2013/14 Number of pupils absent due to unexplained absence (including truancy), 2004/5 to 2013/14

  • 1,000

2,000 3,000 4,000 5,000 6,000 7,000 8,000 9,000 10,000 2004/05 2005/06 2006/07 2007/08 2008/09 2009/10 2010/11 2012/13 2014/15 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 2004/05 2005/06 2006/07 2007/08 2008/09 2009/10 2010/11 2012/13 2014/15

Rate per 1000 pupils

What do trends and patterns in offending, attainment, exclusion and truancy tell us?

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Key research questions based on trends in Scotland

  • To what extent is the rise in school attainment related to the fall in
  • ffending behaviour?
  • To what extent is the fall in school exclusion related to the drop in
  • ffending behaviour?
  • Has the increase in truancy had any impact on offending behaviour?
  • Can any causal inference be drawn in terms of these relationships?
  • Can we answer these questions using the available data?
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Available sources of data

  • Sources of data on crime/offending:

– School-based national surveys (tend to focus on substance use) – Scottish Crime & Justice Survey (includes questions on disposals only) – Occasional bespoke surveys (often geographically limited) – Administrative data from children’s hearings, police, courts, prisons, etc

  • Sources of data on school education/attainment/exclusion:

– Cohort studies (e.g GUS, MCS, mental health study) – School census (attendance, exclusion, ethnicity, gender, disability, etc) – SQA data (attainment – all subjects examined from S4 onwards inc. type and level) – Administrative data from local authorities (held by ScotXed and used mostly for school comparisons).

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The Edinburgh Study of Youth Transitions & Crime

  • A longitudinal study of offending pathways amongst 4,300 young

people (Smith & McVie 2003)

  • Aim to study offending within 3 main contexts:

– Individual development and change through the life-course – Physical and social structure of neighbourhoods – Impact of interaction with agencies of social control & law enforcement

  • Six annual sweeps of self-completion surveys in Edinburgh schools

(mainstream, independent and special) from 1998-2003 + sweep 7 (2009-11) to map criminal justice careers to age 24

  • A complex study design with many different components of data

collection (quantitative and qualitative), requiring careful management, data linkage and complex modes of data analysis.

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Data collection

Birth to age 11 Age 12 Age 13 Age 14 Age 15 Age 16 Age 17 Age 18-25

Self completion questionnaires Face to face survey Face to face interviews Face to face interviews Teacher evaluation Survey of parents SQA Examination results School records on attendance and exclusion Police juvenile liaison officer records Social work records Children’s hearings records Scottish criminal records (convictions) Geographical information system of Edinburgh neighbourhoods

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Data linkage procedures

  • University held database (no ‘third party’)
  • Controlled by a data manager – linked relational

databases – restricted access

  • Unique identifiers for each individual
  • Dummy identifier used for data linkage purposes
  • Names used during data collection, then removed and

destroyed as soon as identifiers attached

  • All data collected by the research team – required

detailed access negotiations & consent procedures

  • Overseen by an Academic & Policy Advisory Group
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Benefits of data linkage

  • Provides ‘objective’ measures of events (e.g. exclusion, conviction)

which can test reliability of the self-reports OR saves you from including extraneous questions

  • Gives a rich contextual picture of young people’s lives and provides

more opportunity to model complex social processes (e.g. multilevel modelling)

  • Enables quasi-experimental design so that the impact of

interventions can be tested (with longitudinal data)

  • Highlights differences between individual reports and official records

– system effects.

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Questions that can be addressed by the Edinburgh Study data 1. Are truancy, school exclusion and educational attainment related to later offending behaviour (general and serious)? 2. Are these relationships mediated by earlier offending behaviour (which strongly predict later behaviour)? 3. What happens when we control for the effects of a variety of demographic factors known to influence

  • ffending behaviour?
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School truancy and prevalence

  • f offending are related

10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No Truant P7 Truant S1 Truant S2 Truant S3 Truant S4

% OF COHORT

Prevalence of offending by prevalence of truancy

Involved in offending (%) Involved in serious

  • ffending (%)
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School exclusion and prevalence

  • f offending are related

10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No Excluded S1 Excluded S2 Excluded S3 Excluded S4

% OF COHORT

Prevalence of offending by prevalence of exclusion

Involved in offending (%) Involved in serious

  • ffending (%)
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School attainment and prevalence

  • f offending are related

10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Involved in offending (%) Involved in serious offending (%) Involved in offending (%) Involved in serious offending (%) Involved in offending (%) Involved in serious offending (%) S4 S5 S6

% of cohort within grade category

9+ 7-8 4-6 1-3

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  • Q3. Modelling

the relationship between educational experience and offending at age 16, controlling for prior offending and demographic profile

Odds ratio Odds ratio Odds ratio Early truancy (P7) 1.491* 0.802 0.818 Frequency of truancy (S1-S4) 1.120*** 1.023* 1.029* Interaction of Early truancy & Frequency of truancy 0.948**

  • Early exclusion (S1)

0.607 0.878 0.751 Frequency of exclusion (S1-S4) 1.490** 1.061 1.098 Number of standard grades (Ref=0) - 1 to 6 0.438** 0.587 0.601

  • 7 or more

0.625* 0.879 0.879 Early offending (S1) 2.921*** 2.912*** Frequency of offending(volume) 1.101*** 1.105*** Interaction early offending * frequency 0.941*** 0.936*** Gender (male) 1.22 Socio-economic status (manual/unemployed) 0.958 Ethnic group (white) 1.615 Free school meal entitlement (yes) 0.639* Living in top 10% most deprived areas (yes) 1.755**

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  • Q3. Modelling

the relationship between educational experience and serious

  • ffending at

age 16, controlling for prior offending and demographic profile

Odds ratio Odds ratio Odds ratio Early truancy (P7) 1.149 0.642* 0.621* Frequency of truancy (S1-S4) 1.099*** 1.037** 1.046*** Interaction of Early truancy & Frequency of truancy 0.967*

  • Early exclusion (S1)

1.042 1.023 0.875 Frequency of exclusion (S1-S4) 1.411** 1.113 1.071 Number of standard grades (Ref=0) - 1 to 6 0.81 1.15 1.113

  • 7 or more

0.727 0.997 0.912 Early offending (S1) 2.316*** 2.153*** Frequency of offending(volume) 1.105*** 1.104*** Interaction early offending * frequency 0.941*** 0.936*** Gender (male) 2.394*** Socio-economic status (manual/unemployed) 1.218 Ethnic group (white) 1.688 Free school meal entitlement (yes) 0.888 Living in top 10% most deprived areas (yes) 1.374

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Conclusions

  • Data linkage can significantly improve the range, quality and value of

research findings on relationships between education and offending.

  • School exclusion, truancy and low educational attainment all predict later
  • ffending behaviour; but these relationships largely disappear when prior
  • ffending is accounted for.
  • Earlier truancy appears to be more strongly related to later offending

behaviour than either school exclusion or attainment, even when controlling for prior offending.

  • However, earlier findings have shown that school exclusion and truancy

predict very poor system outcomes despite offending behaviour, which suggests they are instrumental in labelling processes.